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說「夏」與「雅」︰宗周禮樂形成與變遷的民族音樂學考察
陳
致
提
要
本文借助於現代音樂考古學的發展成果以及古文字資料，試圖以宗周「雅」樂的名實制度的形成與嬗變為個案，從而作一嘗試性的探索。以音樂考古資料與現有文獻資料相印證，本文認為商周音樂文化的分布，特別是西周時期，基本上呈現了比較鮮明的地方性和民族性的差異。而這種地方或民族差異，以及文化交融所帶來歷史變化，並非簡單地直線型發展，相反，在兩種文化交織、衝突、整合之際，呈現了階段性的暫時倒退。
所謂「雅」就是「夏」，雅樂是先周時期周民族繼承夏文化逐漸發展形成的一種樂舞樂歌形式。「雅」樂從先周到春秋戰國之交經歷了三次比較重大的歷史性變化。第一次是在武王滅商以後，周初所制的「雅」樂已經接受了河洛地區殷人音樂文化，以及殷人在江漢一帶的音樂文化的影響。平王的東遷為「雅」樂帶來了第二次變化，此時，「雅」和「夏」的地理概念已由關中周王畿一帶擴大到中原地區，而「雅」樂同時也與中原諸夏音樂交相影響，熔鑄出新的「雅」樂體制。到了春秋中晚期，「雅」樂的泛化流布也為「雅」樂帶來新的發展，隨著周室的衰弱，王權的式微，晚商的餘韻，各諸侯國的民間世俗之樂，以及諸夏以外的四夷之樂逐漸取代了「雅」樂的位置，成為各國君卿士夫的好尚所在。這期間，不但源自世俗之樂與四夷之樂的新聲開始雅化，而「雅」樂也接受了新聲的部分影響，有一些俗化的痕跡，這可以說是「雅」樂的三變。從「雅」樂的三變可以看出，「雅」這個概念和樂制本身從先周時期，中經周初周公「制禮作樂」和平王的東遷，至戰國，伴隨著周代禮制的嬗代流變，也經歷了源、流、變三個階段的發展變化。然而，對於「雅」樂內容、制度及其作用，我們目前所知主要是戰國前後的文獻所描述的。其中尤以三《禮》──《周禮》、《儀禮》和《禮記》中的描述較為詳盡。而關於《周禮》和小戴《禮記》的成書年代，目前大多數學者的說法是從戰國到西漢初這一段時間內。三《禮》本出於七十子後學，故本文認為《周禮》和《禮記》中所描述的樂制並不完全是當時樂制的真實反映，乃是以春秋時期融會了世俗之樂的影響的「雅」樂為本加以理想化而形成的。因此，《周禮》與《禮記》中所描述樂制既含有歷史所賦予的名實變異，又摻加了作者以儒者的角度對理想樂制的想像。它與宗周「雅」樂之間當然是同中有異，有相當的距離。
Magnificence
and Elegance: A Study of
the
Formation and Transformation of
Tsung-Chou’s
Ritual Music
CHEN
Zhi
Historical records passed down to us from the pre-Han times
ascribe unanimously the establishment of ya music and its
institutional definitions to the Duke of Chou, one of the founders of
the Chou dynasty. In fact, our knowledge of the contents, institutions,
and functions of ya music has been influenced and limited by the
depictions preserved in Warring States and later documentary sources,
such as the ceremonial books and other philosophical works composed
between early Warring States and the late Han. It is conceivable that
these works include the conjectures of their authors. Two types of
falsification may be involved in the formation of the so-called ya
musical institutions depicted in these early documentary sources. First
of all, the authors and compilers of these works may have reconstructed
diachronic variations, such as the standardization and refinement of
musical institutions other than ya music and the partial
secularization of earlier ya music. Secondly, they may also have
idealized and consciously re-invented ya music in accordance with
their own Confucian values and ritualistic codes.
The present paper seeks to explore the formative reality of the
ritual music of Chou in light of archeo-musical evidence and
paleographic analysis. It argues that ya music was by no means
created single-handedly in a short span of time, as conventionally held
by scholars, but that it was rather a creation, with all its
institutional definition and refinement, forged during a much longer
period of time by generations of the Chou rulers and musicians. This
study also questions the extent of the sphere of influence of the ya
musical institution. The conventional theory holds that it was widely
spread in the entire domain of the Western Chou, including the heartland
of the former Shang dynasty and other feudal states subject to the Chou.
Archeo-musical investigation of the regional features of the central
domain of Chou musical culture, however, proves that musical abundance
and refinement, differing typologically from other areas of the Western
Chou domain, characterized the Kuan-chung area where Tsung-Chou was
seated. It is therefore plausible that musical contacts between the
Shang and Chou resulted in two different paths of transformation. On the
one hand, in the immediate domain of the Chou, ya music emerged,
gradually developed, and became systematized as time went by.
Institutionalization of ya music, however, took two centuries to
reach maturity. On the other hand, in the Central Plains (the former
Shang domain), ya music did not spread successfully anywhere
other than in Kuan-chung until the dynastic transition between the
Western Chou and the Eastern Chou.
Keywords:
ritual of Chou archeo-musicology
Shang and Chou cultures
Ya music
小眾讀者︰康熙時期的文學傳播與文學批評
楊
玉 成
提
要
本文以康熙時期六部書籍《尺牘新語》、《三婦合評牡丹亭》、《桃花扇》、《虞初新志》、《幽夢影》、《女仙外史》為例，對六部書的評點作分析，指出康熙時期讀者小圈子（小眾讀者）的特殊現象，全文穿梭在寫作、讀者、社會之間，闡釋其中隱含的文化脈絡。文中從郵驛、對話、傳抄、出版、劇場等具體的傳播現象出發，觀察讀者群體的生態與活動，討論評點如多人共評、對話，甚至參與文本寫作，形成某種後設書寫的新文本等現象。這個觀察既有助於讀者研究，也有助於解釋新文本的產生，提供後設戲劇（如《桃花扇》）、後設小說（如《女仙外史》、《聊齋》）、可供改寫的文本（如《幽夢影》）一個新的研究視角。這個文本和閱讀的分析，最終導向的是某種文化研究，涉及商業品味、性別、文化想像、文學聲譽、歷史與政治、贊助關係等互文交織的領域，引出許多後續研究的可能性。
Minor
Readership: Literary Communication
and Literary
Criticism in
the K’ang-hsi Period
YANG
Yü-cheng
This paper takes the Ch'ih-tu hsin-yü, San-fu ho-p'ing
Mu-tan t'ing, T'ao-hua shan, Yü-ch'u hsin-chih, You-meng-ying,
and Nü-hsien wai-shih of the K'ang-hsi period as examples,
to examine the comments on them. This paper points out some special
phenomena seen concerning little circles of readers during the K'ang-hsi
period. This paper ponders upon the relationship among writing, reader
and the society and exposits the hidden cultural context. From concrete
phenomena in the act of communication such as mailing, dialogue,
copying, publication, and opera, this paper observes the situations and
activities of the community of readers. It discusses how forms of
critical commentary, such as multi-lateral commentary, dialogue, and
even the writing of texts, constitutes such phenomena as a new
textuality with a certain kind of meta-level writing. Such observation
assists researches of the reader and helps explain the production of new
texts. It also provides new perspectives in the study of meta-opera
(e.g., T'ao-hua shan), meta-novel (e.g., Nü-hsien wai-shih
and Liao-chai), and revisable text (e.g., You-meng-ying).
This analysis of the texts and their reading ultimately lead to a kind
of cultural study, which touches upon the interwoven areas of commercial
taste, gender, cultural imagination, literary reputation, history and
politics, and finally the relation of financial support. Thus it can
bring out the possibilities for subsequent research into many of these
areas.
Keywords:
reader p'ing-tien
publisher literary communication
women's
writing metafiction
論船山對儒家傳統詩學「興觀群怨」概念之再詮釋
蕭 馳
提
要
船山對孔子提出的「興觀群怨」概念的討論在其詩學中
提綱挈領的意味。今人對此或解釋為強調作者創作狀態中審美非功利性、非目的性與詩的社會功利性的統一，或解釋為讀者鑒賞對作品意義的創造。而西方文論中，主張審美意識與社會性參與則是互相對立的。面對上述困惑，本文對船山詩學這一重要論題進行全面再探討。文中提出﹕在孔子原義以及漢儒、宋儒的注疏中，「興觀群怨」本指對已然成為文本的《詩經》研習中生發的四種社會功用。但在船山的再詮釋裏，此概念卻同時涵攝了詩的創作和閱讀兩個方面，即︰船山是從讀者的接受需要而討論作者在創作時如何「能俾人隨觸而皆可」的問題，從而建立了一個從作者之「意」到作品（在閱讀中呈現）之「義」的圓融的，和相對開放的詩歌美學生命存在的結構。由此，船山首先企圖解決詩人創作狀態的直覺性、超功利性與藝術作品社會性的關係問題。然而，與西方詮釋學的思路不同，在船山，詩人的「不自覺」卻並不導致詮釋學的自覺性質。相反地，船山強調只有以胸次悠然的「餘情」和「廣心」，讀者才得以從文本中獲得「遊于四情之中」的生命體驗。在此，船山徹底否定了由漢代詩經學者所設定的由重建詩人創作之「意」而建立作品之「義」的詮釋觀。也確如伽德瑪以亞歷士多德「淨化」概念討論悲劇一樣，船山以抒情詩之呈現來界定其美學生命。然而，船山的詮釋觀念卻不應被等同為伽德瑪的詮釋持續性。本文最後比較了中西詮釋觀念發展的思想背景，即從施萊爾瑪赫到伽德瑪、與從儒家傳統批評家到船山關於生命存在的智慧。此一比較揭示出﹕因船山未能離開以天、人連續的邏輯以論人性生成，其有關生命存在的智慧也最終未能悖離由共時穿入歷時以認定人類共同之情的立場，而其所認定的「人情之遊也無涯」也就未必與歷史發展的持續性相關。然而，船山卻由其性命之學出發，強調性命授受過程中天之「摶造無心」和個體之「人日受命於天」，故而在詩學中彰顯了在每一片刻興感之中，詩人或讀者「所持之己」可能的差異。這樣，船山在從本文化立場去總結中國抒情傳統之時，也同時修正了此一傳統的本體意識觀念。
On Wang Fu-chih’s
Reinterpretation
of the Confucian Concept for the
Function of Poetry:”Stimulating,
Observing, Expressing Fellowship,
Showing Resentment”
XIAO
Chi
Wang Fu-chih's reinterpretation of Confucius' concept for poetry,
“hsing (stimulating), kuan (observing), ch'ün
(expressing fellowship), yuan (showing resentment),” is one of
the essential notions underpinning his poetics. Modern scholars have
explained Wang's meaning of this notion as either an emphasis on unity
between non-utilitarian and non-goal-directed status of the poet's
aesthetic creation and the poetic work's social function, or a highlight
on the reader's participation in the creation of meanings of a poetic
work. However, these two meanings, i.e., “aesthetic consciousness”
and “social participation,” respectively represented in the West by
Friedrich Ernst Daniel Schleiermacher and Georg Gadamer, are opposite to
each other in Western hermeneutics. In the face of the above puzzles,
this essay is intended to make an overall re-examination of the meanings
of this concept crucially related to Wang's poetics. It argues
that--deviating from the Confucian original stipulation that the
textualized poetry (The Classic of Poetry) has four social
functions working through reading process--the concept in Wang's
reinterpretation covers meanings about both composing and reading, the
author and the reader. That is to say, in terms of the reader's
receptive need, Wang discusses how, in the course of creation, the poet
“enables production of any of the four functions depending on what the
reader encounters” and thereby establishes a structure for poetry's
aesthetic life which connects in mutual release the authorial
“intention” with the “meaning” of a work produced in its
presentation and reading. In so doing, Wang, first of all, tries to
resolve the contradiction between the non-goal-directedness and
intuitiveness of aesthetic creation and the social utilitarian function
of a poetic work. Yet, different from the way Western hermeneutics
justifies its own undertaking, for Wang, the confirmation of the poet's
unconsciousness in composition does not entail a recognition of the need
for a conscious hermeneutics. On the contrary, Wang highlights that only
when a reader releases himself from any personal concern can he enjoy
the experience of “wandering within the four feelings” through the
reading of poetry. At this point, Wang radically denies the Han
Confucian scholars' hermeneutic concept that the meaning of a poetic
work can be derived only from the reconstruction of its author's
“intention.” Furthermore, as Gadamer uses Aristotle's notion
"catharsis” to discuss tragedy for defining the genre, Wang also
defines the aesthetic life of lyric poetry in terms of its presentation
to readers. But, Wang's hermeneutic concept should not be exaggerated as
confirming Gadamerian “hermeneutic continuity.” The final part of
this essay compares the intellectual backgrounds, the philosophical
shifts concerning human existence, behind the development of hermeneutic
concepts in the West and ancient China. The comparison reveals that,
since Wang Fu-chih could not finally depart from the tradition of
exploring human nature in terms of a continuum between man and heaven,
his philosophy about human existence accordingly is still totalistic and
the so-called “wandering within the four feelings” is not equivalent
to Gadamer's “hermeneutic continuity” that is based upon human
historical existence, “the Dasein.” Nevertheless, by his
philosophy of the heavenly ordained and human nature, in spite of his
confirmation that all individuals' natures in the last analysis are
generally the same, Wang emphases that feelings between the poet and
reader, or between readers, at every particular moment are not
necessarily the same. His poetics therefore stands as a great
theoretical summary of Chinese lyricism from the stance of the tradition
itself and meanwhile a revision of its “ontological consciousness.”
Keywords:
“Stimulating, Observing, Expressing Fellowship, Showing
Resentment ”
hermeneutics Wang
Fu-chih's thought
wisdom about human existence
ontological consciousness
of Chinese
lyricis
從戲劇內涵的質變論戲文傳奇的界說問題
──兼論湯顯祖戲曲的腔調
林
鶴 宜
提
要
戲文、傳奇都是中國戲曲體製劇種的稱名。戲文產生於宋代，經過了長時間的發展，無論表演藝術或劇目數量都逐漸豐富。到了明代，終於在不斷累積的成果上，蛻生出體例形製有所不同，實質內涵也發生變化的新劇種，是為傳奇。傳奇既自戲文中出，如何界定，除了文獻證據的掌握，更關係到對戲曲發展歷史階段的看法，及對戲曲聲腔體系乃至表演藝術的整體概念。因此儘管論者甚多，始終各執一說，未有定論。
戲文必需經過「質變」方能產生傳奇，是學者的共識。而不同稱名的流通，反映了各自的歷史根源。光就外在體製來看，傳奇與戲文差異有限。其所「質變」者，當在於體製內在的組織技術。明代後期戲曲聲腔的高度發達，為戲文的脫胎換骨提供了有力的後盾，突破了原有的內涵，在組織架構、文字格律、呈現技巧各方面開創了新局，進入了所謂的「傳奇時代」。本文以戲劇發展的事實做依據，敘體陳述傳奇質變的內涵。
一個興起於江左崑山縣；一個發源自江右弋陽縣，崑山腔和弋陽腔是晚明傳奇劇壇的雙璧。卻因為文獻累積數量懸殊，造成崑山腔成為晚明新劇種唯一聲腔的印象。直到清代乾隆年間，王瑞生才以編訂京腔曲譜的敘體行動提出辯駁，為弋陽腔由「戲文」蛻生為「傳奇」，完成了滿足文人觀點的註腳。
湯顯祖的戲曲創作究竟屬什麼聲腔？同樣受到爭議。《四夢》其實正是新體製從舊戲文中破繭而出，透過聲腔，一邊流播，一邊成長的過程之反映。從戲文到傳奇，其變不在一夕之間。兩大爭議擺在一起，啟發我們從更多的方向思考問題。
How Did Transformations in the Nature
of Opera Differentiate Hsi-wen and
Ch'uan-ch'i: A Look at the Tune
Patterns of T’ang Hsien-tsu’s Works
LIN
Ho-yi
Hsi-wen and ch'uan-ch'i are two of the classical
Chinese opera types. Hsi-wen, which originated in the Sung
Dynasty, has gradually developed its performing art and repertoire to an
enormous degree as time progressed. In the Ming Dynasty these
accumulated artistic achievements had eventually evolved into
ch'uan-ch'i, a new type of opera which was structurally and
substantially different.
Since ch'uan-ch'i is derived from hsi-wen,
differentiating the two not only involves grasping the literary evidence
but also the historical point of view towards the periodization of opera
development; as well it involves the whole concept of tune patterns and
performance art. The issue remains argumentative with each individual
holding a different opinion and the conclusion has therefore not yet
been drawn.
Scholars share common ground that ch'uan-ch'i could emerge
only through the transformation of hsi-wen. The circulation of
different typologies reflects disparate historical origins. The
distinction between hsi-wen and ch'uan-ch'i is limited if
one examines only their external structures. As for the transformation,
it involves the compositional technique within the structure. The
exceptional advancement in opera tunes in the late Ming provided a
strong reinforcement for the changeover from hsi-wen, and brought
the breakthrough in the original essence to introduce an entirely new
aspect in organizational structures, literary regulations and
presentational techniques. This is known as the “ch'uan-ch'i
Era.” Based on the facts of how opera has developed, this paper
concretely describes the transformed nature of ch'uan-ch'i. The
K'un-shan tune and the I-yang tune, arising from K'un-shan Hsien of the
left Yangtze bank and I-yang Hsien of the right Yangtze bank
respectively, are the two jewels of ch'uan-ch'i opera in the late
Ming. However, the great discrepancy in documentation between the two
has caused the impression that K'un-shan tune was the only tune of the
new opera in the late Ming. It was not until the Ch'ien-lung era in the
Ch'ing that Wang Jui-sheng protested, by editing the scores of the
Peking tune, and categorized the I-yang tune into ch'uan-ch'i
instead of hsi-wen; he therefore satisfied the annotation from a
scholarly point of view.
To which tune category that T'ang Hsien-tsu's works belong
remains controversial. Ssu Meng in fact reflects the process, in
which a new structure derived from hsi-wen, of circulating and
maturing through tunes. The transformation from hsi-wen to ch'uan-ch'i
does not take place overnight and therefore the controversies will
inspire diversity in viewpoints.
Keywords:
hsi-wen
ch'uan-ch'i transformation
tune
scores of Peking tunes
T'ang Hsien-tsu
晚明清初戲曲審美意識中情理觀之轉化及其意義
王
璦 玲
摘
要
在中國戲曲史上，一般論者皆將晚明至清初視為傳奇發展的重要時期，因為明傳奇至清初仍持續興盛，出現了《清忠譜》、《長生殿》、《桃花扇》、《十五貫》等名著。直到乾隆時期，花部興起，在花、雅爭勝的局面下，傳奇始日漸衰落，它的劇壇盟主之位才不得不遜讓於花部戲曲。從戲曲美學思想發展的角度來看，雖然清初的戲曲美學仍然延續著明代的思路，但經歷了歷史世變改朝換代的大動盪，文藝思潮上所產生的重大變化，必然亦將對戲曲藝術的創作與審美意識發展產生相應的影響。大體而言，明清戲曲藝術審美意識中「情」、「理」議題所促成的思想發展，可謂是探討晚明至清初審美意識演變的關鍵所在；而這項議題，大致可以以明代劇論中「風教」觀與「言情」觀之興替為觀察的起點。
戲曲劇論中「風教」與「言情」之辨，主要並不只是針對戲曲創作的內涵歸趨問題而起，在它中間亦伴隨著劇作家對於「戲曲」性質的體認，以及戲曲本身發展上的需求，所以在不同階段，有著不同的焦點，亦有其各自不同的意義。本文所述，即是要在晚明至清初戲曲審美意識的演變中，分析出其間觀念的轉換，與各階段論議的重點及意義，以作為理解此一時期戲曲與劇論發展的基礎。其中可注意之焦點如︰明代劇論中「情」「理」思想之交會，如何透過「言情」與「風教」之辨而得以表顯？明代中晚期李贄、湯顯祖等人「情至」觀之發展，透過從「言情」到「寫情」的藝術展現，對戲曲審美意識的內涵有何具體影響？晚明馮夢龍「私情化公」的「情教」觀如何拓展「情」觀的視野，成為啟導「情」「理」觀轉化的先機？明代末期孟稱舜、王思任等所謂「情之誠」、「情之正」的觀念反映出美學思想上何種變化？而清初尤侗、金聖嘆與李漁等人之劇論中「情性合一」、「欲不害情」與「道學風流合一」說，所顯示戲曲審美意識中「情」觀之多元化及所帶動之藝術發展，其重要性為何？
要言之，情理觀之在明清劇論，自其初始，即肩負著澄清戲曲藝術特質，及尋求中國戲曲發展方向的使命。它與「風教」說的關係，亦有著頗為複雜的歷史面貌。中國明清戲曲之逐漸在其發展過程中，確立自身的藝術定位，並透過對於構成戲曲藝術諸多重要成分的理解，快速地發展了它在形製與內容上的精緻程度，此一思想上的導引力量，功不可沒。而其間重要的劇作家與劇論家，由晚明以至清初，如本文所述，皆在一般性美學議題，以及戲曲的藝術論上，具有卓識，值得細心考論；並可透過對於他們言論的理解，增加我們對於明清戲曲發展的認識，其重要性自不待言。
The Transformation of Ch'ing and Li
and Its Significance in the
Aesthetic Trend of Late Ming and
Early Ch’ing
Drama
WANG
Ayling
This paper aims to analyze the transformation of some crucial
concepts such as ch'ing and li in Ming-Ch'ing drama, and
to explore the theoretical emphasis and significance of some influential
dramatists at different stages as the bases to understand the tradition
of Chinese dramatic aesthetics. The variations in the relationship
between the key terms ch'ing and li can be regarded as the
crux of the transformation of the aesthetic trend from the late Ming to
the early Ch'ing. For further exploration, we may take the vicissitudes
of the concepts of yen-ch'ing (the expression of ch'ing)
and chia-hua / feng-chiao (moral teaching) as a starting
point. However, the differentiation between chiao-hua and yen-ch'ing
is not simply aimed at the issue of content in the dramatic writings. In
the tradition of dramatic writing and criticism, what do the dramas
themselves need in the course of their development, and what is the
locus of the dramatists' and theorists' aesthetic interest and
consideration? Are moral teachings the grounds for their artistic
inventions, or are they grounded by the playwright's true sentiments
motivated by his life experiences? These questions not only can be
connected to general literary concerns, but also can be presented as
special issues of dramatic art. Therefore, on the one hand, we should
consider the common literary and intellectual trends beyond the dramatic
aesthetic tradition in the Ming-Ch'ing periods. On the other hand, we
should notice the special requirements of the dramatic art itself.
In this paper, I first examine how the concepts chiao-hua
and yen-ch'ing were differentiated by yet at the same time
articulated the interaction between ch'ing and li in the
Ming dramatic tradition. Then, by analyzing Li Chih's, T'ang Hsien-tsu's
and Chang Ch'i's works, I explain how the artistic presentation was
transformed from yen-ch'ing to hsieh-ch'ing (the writing
of ch'ing) in the late Ming. Furthermore, I explore how Feng Meng-lung
enlarged the horizon of the yen-ch'ing concept by his statement
of “ssu-ch'ing-hua-kung” (transforming individual sentiments
into universal compassion). By examining the dramatic criticism of Wang
Ssu-jen, Meng Ch'eng-shun and Chang Tai, I then go on to discuss how the
focus on the concept of ch'ing-chih (the supremacy of ch'ing)
shifted to the concept of ch'ing-cheng (the rightness of ch'ing)
in late Ming yen-ch'ing tradition. Finally, I analyze the
multiple evolution of the idea of ch'ing and the artistic
developments inspired by it in the aesthetic trends of the late Ming and
the early Ch'ing.
It would seem that from its inception, the discussion of drama in
terms of ch'ing and li in the Ming/Ch'ing period took it
upon itself the task of clarifying the characteristic features of
dramatic arts, and of searching for the destined direction of the
development of Chinese drama. The relation of this debate to moral
teaching also has a very complex historical background. Chinese drama in
the Ming/Ch'ing period gradually developed its own artistic position; as
well, by coming to understand certain important components in the
make-up of theatrical arts, it quickly developed to a very high level of
refinement in form and content. This was an irrevocable achievement,
which owed its success to a large degree to the profound work of the
playwrights and critics discussed in this paper.
Keywords:
late Ming early
Ch'ing Ming-Ch'ing
drama
ch'ing
li
「演員劇場」向「編劇中心」的過渡
──大陸「戲曲改革」效應與
當代戲曲質性轉變之觀察
王
安 祈
提
要
本論文的主要議題為演員中心到編劇中心的轉折，將此現象視之為當代戲曲劇場質性之轉變，而將原因歸之於大陸的「戲曲改革」。必須說明的是︰雖然戲曲改革這項政令政策有明顯的政治意圖，但牽動的仍是戲曲藝術本身的大幅度變化，本文並未將戲曲改革視為純粹的政治活動，也就是說，並不認為演員中心到編劇中心的轉折只以政治為唯一因素，其間還論及許多藝術本身的問題，包括話劇劇本編寫法的影響以及斯坦尼斯拉夫斯基體系對戲曲流派藝術的消解作用等等，要言之，第一章導論的論點有二︰先闡明傳統演員劇場的特質，再說明戲曲改革的具體內容。第二章觀察戲曲改革初期的效應，「新經典劇目」已然成立，「編導定制」與「演員中心」兩條途徑也已然浮現。第三章試圖說明的是戲曲改革至文革期間「編與演」的共同成長，而論證方式有三，（一）是通過筆者自擬的兩份不同主軸排列的新編戲單作考察，（二）是通過實際劇作的分析，證明此時期編劇個人的特色展現在編劇技法（尤其是受話劇影響以情節高潮為主的結構技法）之上，范鈞宏的劇作是主要例子、翁偶虹劇作為輔佐以及相對例證，第（三）步則企圖分辨集體政治理念下的個別差異，以莆仙戲陳仁鑒的《團圓之後》和《春草闖堂》為比較，再用同樣改編自小說的崑劇《晴雯》和徐棻的川劇《紅樓驚夢》為對比，並以徐棻另一作品《燕燕》為輔佐材料。經過這三個面相的考察之後回歸歷史敘述，本章最後一節以樣板戲在結構技法上的極至發揮為內容。第四章新時期（文革結束後）編劇中心的成形，以劇作家個人風格的建立為論述要點，分由三個面相析論，第（一）節要點為︰當結構技法已成為劇作家共同的藝術手段之後，劇本個別的特性展現在不同的主題內蘊及思想意涵上。第（二）節以個別劇作（《曹操與楊修》、《求騙記》以及劇作家羅懷臻思路開拓）為考察實例，見出此時期劇本內涵已由「對制度的批判」深入到對人性幽微面的剖析，（三）則提出此時期流派藝術的停滯，主要因素有二，一為新的性格塑造法，二為斯坦尼斯拉夫斯基體系的滲透。第五章論大陸戲曲改革對台灣劇壇的影響，至於「導演中心」是否已成立的問題，則當作為全文餘論。
The Transition from Actor-Centered to
Playwright-Centered Drama: An
Investigation of Mainland Drama Reform
and the Transformation of the Nature
of Contemporary Theater
WANG
An-ch'i
The main subject of the treatise is the shift from actor-centered
drama to playwright-centered drama. The changes go with the trend of the
theatre towards contemporary drama and are based on the concepts of
“reform of drama” undertaken in mainland China. What needs to be
explained is that, although there is an obvious political dimension in
the policies concerning “reform of drama,” still this re-orientation
entails a tremendous transformation in the dramatic arts. This essay
does not consider the change purely as a political movement or merely
the result of political factors; the reform does include many problems
which involve the performing arts themselves, such as the influences of
script writing, and how the “Stanislavsky Method” makes classic
performance schools of drama vanish.
The first section focuses first on the characteristic of the
traditional actor-centered theatre and then on the contents of the
“reform of drama.” The second explains the result of the reform at
its early stage; the “new classical plays” had already been
established, and “arrangement by the playwright and director” as
well as “actor centered” pathways had made their appearance. The
third section tries to clarify the common growth of both playwright and
performance from the reform to the Cultural Revolution. It has three
main points to be made: (1) the writer defines two different axes of
arrangement of new theatrical repertoire for investigation; (2) through
analysis of actual scripts, one finds individual characteristics
associated with the writing of the plays (particularly the plays
emphasizing dramatic dialogue which depended on emotional climaxes in
the structure of the plot); (3) one can discern differences in
individual articulation of mass policy creeds by comparing plays and
dramatic material adapted from novels. The fourth section treats the
formation of playwright-centered drama that occurs after the Cultural
Revolution. It shows that, the structural techniques having become a
common method of the playwrights, individual characteristics appeared in
plays with a variety of topics, details and intellectual contents.
Moreover, the examination of plays from this period shows that the
implication of the plays had gone from “criticizing the system” to
an extremely subtle analysis of human nature. As well, one must mention
the stagnation which the classical performing arts were subject,
probably because of the advent of the new style of creation, and also
because of the influence of the Stanislavsky method of performance. And,
finally, the fifth section discusses the influences of the “reform of
drama” in Mainland China on the theatre of Taiwan. As to the question
of whether director-centered drama has been established or not, it
stands as the last topic of the treatise.
Keywords:
the actor-centered the
playwright-centered
the director-centered reform of drama
drama theater
荀子的「身、禮一體」觀──從「自然的身體」
到「禮義的身體」
伍
振 勳
提
要
本論文探討荀子關於「身、禮一體」的觀念――在究極的理想狀態，個體生命將從「自然的」狀態轉化成「禮義的」狀態，作為社會、文化範式的「禮」不再是外在的規範，個體與禮完全合一。本論文關注如下的課題︰此一理想的身體狀態是如何獲致的？其所內含的人格內容與表現於外的身體樣貌為何？全文共分四節︰（一）「心」治「五官」――自然的身體及其轉化的機制；（二）「分義」――社會關係中的身體；（三）「禮義之統」與「治氣養心」；（四）身、禮一體――禮義的身體。前三節討論有關身體轉化的機制︰包括以「心」的功能為核心的身體內部機制，以及以「禮義」規範為主的社會、文化體制。「禮義化」的精神活動引導身體逐漸成為「禮義的身體」，個體的「身體」與社會文化體的「禮義」合而為一，末節即是論述此一過程，以及「禮義的身體」所表現的樣貌與人格內涵。結論則指出︰荀子認為促使個體「禮義化」，包含三方面的驅動力︰身體內部的理智因子、社會面的「分義」規範的制約模塑、文化面的「禮義之統」的積習涵泳。身體順著理智化、社會化、文化化的轉化方向，最終成為「禮義的身體」，「自然的身體」有了本質上的徹底改變。此一認知，可以視為荀子在儒學發展過程中的特點與貢獻。
Hsün-tzu’s Recognition of the
“Combination of One’s Body and the
Li-yi”:
The Transformation from
“A Natural Body to the Li-yi’s Body”
WUU
Jenn-shiun
This essay is about Hsün-tzu's recognition of the
combination of one's body and the Li-yi (the rules of proper
conduct and the axiom of those rules), which is the ideal state at the
right moment when the combination is achieved; that is, the point at
which, to the body, the Li-yi is not the outer social rules any
more but becomes one's inner insistence.
This essay is composed of four sections that will focus on two
topics: one is 'How the Ideal State Is Achieved,' and the other is ‘What the Inner Character and the Outer
Appearance of the Body Are As the Ideal State is Achieved.'
In the first three sections, the transformation system will be
discussed. It includes three factors: one is in the body; another is in
one's society; and the other is in the tradition of Li-yi in the
society, along with the cultivation of ch'i and the mind. The
first one takes the “Mind” as one's core; the other two, the “Li-yi”
system. While being engaged in continually practicing and meditating on Li-yi,
the body is being transformed from one's natural state to the state of Li-yi.
In the long run, the ideal state of the body is achieved. The first half
of the last section will concern the transformation processes and the
second half will illustrate the inner character and the outer appearance
of the Li-yi's body more precisely.
In conclusion, the three reasons which Hsün-tzu has declared
as to why a body can be transformed from one's natural state to the Li-yi's
state will be explained definitely. They are “The Reason born in the
body can be clarified;” “The body can be guided socially;” and
“The body can be cultivated through Li-yi.” Briefly speaking,
following the transformation processes, simultaneously, the born Reason
is clarified, the body is guided, and the body is cultivated bit by bit.
The essence of the body is absolutely transformed to the utmost. Such a
recognition makes Hsün-tzu distinguished and valuable to the
Confucianism.
Keywords:
Hsün-tzu Li-yi
body
Li-yi's body
湛甘泉哲學思想研究
鍾
彩 鈞
提
要
本文探討湛甘泉思想淵源、發展及要旨。甘泉承襲陳白沙，在明代中葉朱子學成為僵化的官學之時，講求北宋理學（主要是程明道之學），並在心體上為天道論重新建立基礎。甘泉自從學白沙至復任翰林的三十年中，思想的重點在以心貫通天人，以及心地的工夫。但也逐漸發展氣論、大心說、以心著性說。本文分析甘泉重要著作，包括格物說、〈心性圖說〉、〈四勿總箴〉、隨處體認天理說，論述時注意和陽明學說比較異同。甘泉雖以大心說而著名，但他最重要、最著力的主張其實不在形上學，而是心的工夫與致用。他提倡的「勿忘勿助」說，是由知到行、綿密慎重的敬的工夫論。
A Study of the Philosophical Thought
of Chan Jo-shui
CHUNG
Ts'ai-chün
This article investigates the sources, development, and doctrines
of the philosophy of Chan Jo-shui. In the middle of the Ming dynasty,
while Chu Hsi's learning degenerated to official ideology, Chan followed
his tutor Ch'en Hsien-chang and studied the
Northern Sung philosophy centering on Ch'eng Hao. Both of them
contributed to re-establishing the theoretical basis for the concept of
the Heavenly Way in the process of discovering it in one's own Mind. In
the thirty years from the time he studied with Ch'en Hsien-chang to his
returning to the Han-lin Academy, Chan's philosophy always emphasized
the Mind, being the mediation of Heaven and Man but in need of moral
cultivation. Besides, he gradually developed his doctrines of Vital
Force (ch'i), Universal Mind, and Mind as the embodiment of
Nature. This article then discusses his important doctrines such as
“Investigation of Things,” “An Article on the Diagram of Mind and
Nature,” “A General Proverb of Four No's,” and “Experiencing
Heavenly Principle Everywhere.” In the discussion the author makes
comparison of them with the theories of Wang Yang-ming. Although Chan is
famous for the theory of Universal Mind, what he emphasizes is not a
metaphysical aspect, but the effort and function of the Mind. His theory
of “Neither Negligence Nor Hastening” concerns a continuous and
careful effort of seriousness, which embraces the whole process from
knowledge to action.
Keywords:
Neo-Confucianism Chan
Jo-shui Ch'eng
Hao
Ch'en Hsien-chang Wang Yang-ming
劉蕺山對《大學》〈誠意〉章的詮釋
林
月 惠
提
要
自朱子（熹，1130-1200）表彰《大學》以來，《大學》即受到理學家高度的重視，居於經典的地位而屹立不搖。而明代理學家自王陽明（守仁，1472-1529）以降，多憑藉對《大學》的詮釋，來闡明自家學說，建構思想體系。明末最有原創性的理學家劉蕺山（宗周，1578-1645）也不例外。
為此，本文即從蕺山對經典的詮釋切入，以蕺山對《大學》〈誠意〉章的詮釋為焦點，作第一序微觀的文本分析。由於《大學》〈誠意〉章的分析，必然與《大學》形式章節的安排、義理內容的詮釋相關。因此，本文有兩個重點︰一是蕺山對《大學》義理的整體性把握，一是以〈誠意〉章的詮釋為主，探討此章與蕺山「慎獨」之學的關係。就前者而言，筆者首先梳理蕺山詮釋《大學》的進路與其《大學》改本的相關問題。而《中庸》原是《大學》註疏、蕺山對《大學》改本的擇取，以及「格物」、「致知」之義則是本文前半部論述的重點。另從後者來看，本文著重蕺山晚年《大學古文參疑》〈誠意〉章的文本分析，並指出其義理特色。
根據以上的論述與分析，筆者揭示《大學》「格物」、「致知」、「誠意」與「慎獨」的內在意義結構，彰顯蕺山詮釋《大學》〈誠意〉章的獨特性。要言之，蕺山是以《中庸》重「性體」的義理來詮釋《大學》的義蘊，並深化《大學》〈誠意〉章的「慎獨」義。由此也可以看出，在蕺山晚年的思想中，「主敬」、「慎獨」與「誠意」，應是同質且調適上遂的發展。
Liu Chi-shan’s Interpretation of
“Ch'eng-i” Chapter in the Great Learning
LIN
Yueh-hui
Ever since Chu Hsi (1130-1200) focused attention on the Great
Learning, it became an important text for Confucian scholars,
commanding the respectful study of all, and placed at the head of the
classical tradition. From the time of Wang Yang-ming (1472-1529), Ming
Confucians used their commentary exegesis of the Great Learning to
express the views of their own thought. In this respect, an innovative
Confucian thinker of the late Ming period, Liu Chi-shan (Liu Tsung-chou,
1578-1645), was no exception.
Thus, the present paper will approach the work of Liu Chi-shan
through his commentary on the classical corpus, particularly focusing on
the “Ch'eng-i” (Sincerity) chapter of his commentary on the Great
Learning, and making a micro-analysis of this text. The analysis of
the “Ch'eng-i” chapter of the Great Learning must have
some interpretive relationship with the form of arrangement of the
chapters and sections as well as the content of the ethical theory. For
this reason, this paper will have two major points: first, Liu Chi-shan's
overall grasp of ethical theory in the Great Learning, and
second, concentrating on the exegesis of the “Sincerity” chapter, to
explore the connection between this passage and Liu Chi-shan’s
teaching on “shen-tu” (vigilance in solitude). As far as the
first part is concerned, the paper simultaneously treats the way Liu
Chi-shan approached the Great Learning along with the problem of
his revised redaction of the text. The Chung-yung had been a
commentary to the Great Learning, but in his redaction, the Great
Learning, as well as its “Ko-wu” (investigation of
things) and “Chih-chih” (extension of knowledge) chapters,
received the most emphatic discussion. As far as the second part is
concerned, this paper emphasizes the textual analysis of the “Ch'eng-i”
chapter in the work Ta-hsüeh ku-wen ts'an-i from Liu Chi-shan's
later years.
According to the discussion and analysis mentioned above, this
paper shows the inner structure of meaning of “ko-wu,” “chih-chih,”
“ch'eng-i” (sincerity of will), and “shen-tu” in
the Great Learning. It reveals the uniqueness of Liu Chi-shan's
exegesis of the “Ch'eng-i” chapter of the Great Learning.
In brief, Liu Chi-shan interpreted the contents of the Great Learning
from the point of view of the emphasis on the ethical rationale of
nature and body in the Chung-yung. As well, he deepened the
meaning of “shen-tu” in the “Ch'eng-i” chapter of
the Great Learning. From this, we can also see that, in Liu's
thought during his later years, “chu-ching” (reverence for
subjectivity), “shen-tu” and “ch'eng-i” all were
of equal quality and had continuous forward development.
Keywords:
Great Learning
chu-ching
(reverence for subjectivity)
shen-tu
(vigilance in solitude)
ch'eng-i
(sincerity of will)
hsing-t'i
(nature-in-itself)
hsin-t'i
(mind-in-itself)
如來佛的手掌心──試論明末耶穌會
證道故事裏的佛教色彩
李
奭 學
提
要
本文旨在處理明末耶穌會士中文著作中尚未經人觸及的一面，亦即利瑪竇、金尼閣、高一志與龍華民等人所譯述的證道故事中的佛教色彩。天主教係一神教，排他性強，翻譯教義時尤其不願沿襲佛教既有的語彙。不過由於某些自覺與不自覺的原因，明末耶穌會士所譯介入華的「歐洲」證道故事中，某些顯然和彿教的譬喻故事有關。這種關連所涉以譯體和故事源流為主，本文的論述主體即循此推展。在譯體上，本文以金尼閣《況義》中的〈南北風相爭〉及〈三友〉為例，剖析耶穌會士借鑑譬喻經體中最常見的四字格的大要，並由此回溯荀賦，試圖為此一譯史上的重要現象正本清源。在故事源流上，本文舉以為例的是〈三友〉及〈空井〉二喻。利瑪竇等人在華講述這些「天主教」故事時，並不知道這些故事有其梵典上的本源，南北朝時就已經在華出經，而且版本不少。利氏等人所講，另又涉及一六○二年龍華民所譯的《聖若撒法始末》，而此書的希臘文原典所據其實也是輾轉來自梵籍。耶穌會向來闢佛不遺餘力，龍華民譯書的目的正在是在此，沒料到所譯或所述的證道故事居然源出佛教的譬喻文學，從而在中西文學交會伊始就在譯史上形成一個的強烈的反諷。
Exemplum
and ApadAna:
Buddhist Influences on the Chinese
Writings of Late-Ming Jesuits
LI Sher-shiueh
The present study offers a close analysis of the Buddhist
influences on the European exempla
translated into Chinese by such late-Ming Jesuits as Matteo Ricci,
Nicholas Trigault, Alfonso Vagnoni, and Nicholaus Longobardi.
Christianity had been so monotheistic by nature as to exclude linguistic
influences from Buddhism, especially in its doctrinal rendition. In a
few cases in their apologetic writings, Ricci and his brothers in the
same order retell exempla which, for certain reasons, have great
bearing upon Buddhist apadAna
or parabolic literature. To unravel these Christian connections with
pagan stories, the present paper focuses on both the Jesuit borrowing of
the Buddhist style in Trigault's translation of “De Vento et Sole”
and the Sanskrit origin of Ricci's “Unicorn” and “Amicus,” even
going as far back as the rhapsodies of Hsün-tzu to locate the
genesis of the Buddhist style known as the “four-character unit” in
the history of translation in China. Ricci and the other Jesuits were
neither conscious of the Sanskrit roots of the stories they retold, nor
did they have any knowledge of the rendition of these stories into
Chinese as early as the Six Dynasties. Most of the exempla
discussed in the present essay can also be found in Longobardi's Chinese
Barlaam et Ioasaph, a hagiographical classic which, generally
believed by modern scholars to be a Christian version of the life of the
Buddha, was translated by him in 1602 to counter-attack the Buddhist
criticism of the Christian lack of a doctrinal corpus as enormous as the
Tripitaka. The early dialogue of European exempla with
China, as a result of this ignorance on the part of the Jesuits, turned
out to be a highly ironic episode in the history of early Christianity
in China.
Keywords:
Jesuit exemplum apadAna
history of translation in China
Sino-Western literary relations
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