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漢賦與中國古典說服──從《鬼谷子》
看司馬相如、揚雄賦中的神仙論述
許
東
海
提
要
辭賦文學之產生，與中國古代縱橫家具有密切的關係。而作為縱橫之學主要代表著述《鬼谷子》，其中詳細記載著中國古典說服的精湛理論。因此，從《鬼谷子》提出的各種說服原則條件及技巧加以對照比較，應有助於我們今天重新探討並印證漢賦與縱橫之學的具體關係。特別是辭賦本是極為重視語言藝術的一種文體，又與縱橫之學講究言詞說服的精神相輔。因此，本論文透過漢賦雙璧︰司馬相如、揚雄的〈大人賦〉與〈甘泉賦〉為例，分從（一）說服者、（二）接受者、（三）過程與技巧、（四）說服訊息效果等四大方面，加以探討。
Han Dynasty Fu and Classical Chinese
Persuasion ― Reading Ssu-ma
Hsiang-ju’s and Yang Hsiung’s Fu Works
about Immortals in Kuei-ku tzu
HSU
Tung-hai
The
production of fu, parallel prose, has close relations with
ancient Chinese persuasion. An important and representative work of
this trend is Kuei-ku tzu, a text that helps us to understand
clearly the relationship between Han dynasty fu and Chinese
classical persuasion.
Basically prose poetry put emphasis on word-usage, and in this sense
it resembles the classical Chinese conversation. The present paper
uses Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju's and Yang Hsiung's fu poems, “Ta-jen
fu” and “Kan-ch'uan fu”, as illustrative examples, and analyzes its
four main components: 1.Persuader; 2.Listener; 3.The Process and
skill of persuasion; 4.Message and effect of persuasion.
Keywords:
poetry in the Han dynasty Kuei-ku tzu persuasion
Ssu-ma
Hsiang-ju Yang Hsiung
寫真與寫意︰從唐至北宋題畫詩的發展
論宋人審美意識的形成
衣
若
芬
提
要
「寫真」與「寫意」是中國美學的兩個重要命題，筆者研究唐宋題畫詩，發現唐人強調「寫真」，宋人推崇「寫意」，「寫真」與「寫意」恰可以代表「唐型文化」與「宋型文化」的審美精神，筆者希望從時代審美精神為理解唐宋文化的切入點，因此著力於二者之思想內涵。然而，欲論析「寫真」與「寫意」，又必須釐清由「重寫真」到「尚寫意」的歷史脈絡，於是以題畫詩為文本，依其發展之進程分為「以畫為真，感神通靈」、「筆侔造化，心生萬象」、「形意俱足，生意盎然」、「忘形得意，意外之趣」四個子題探討。
筆者以為︰安史之亂是扭轉「以真贊畫」之題畫詩書寫模式，結束繪畫「感神通靈」崇拜的分水嶺，題畫詩的作者意識到繪畫創作對應的不僅是審美客體，重心不在如何具現單一的物象，而是創生萬物的造化自然，畫家以筆傳達造化之實然，其筆下的世界又是由其心源而來，故而可以隨手生花，以畫留春。
中晚唐興起的水墨畫，衝擊了應物象形的色彩觀念，產生視覺美感的新價值取向，創作水墨畫的逸品畫家的舞筆弄墨，使得文人注意到其個人意氣與創作之「立意」，可視為宋人尚意之先聲；晚唐五代的題畫詩圍繞著尋求新的因應與品賞之道的話題，其理念之完善則有待於宋人的文化素養來建構。
北宋仁宗朝左右，政治上的革新帶動了文化上的進展，在審美思想方面，除了繼續晚唐知曉畫家意氣、體察作品用意的鑑賞方式，還注重觀賞畫作之「生意」，將複製形相的「擬真」帶入了「合於天造」，窮究生命要義的層次，過去「形」「神」對舉的命題在宋代轉為「形」「意」並論，歐陽修「忘形得意」的主張，以及蘇軾、蘇轍、黃庭堅等人尋求作品的意外之趣，共同開創了崇尚「蕭條淡泊」、「簡遠清新」的審美意識。
筆者發現︰從唐人「重寫真」到宋人「尚寫意」，其實是繪畫藝術逐步脫離其物質特性，向文學品鑑靠攏，亦即拋卻純粹欣賞視覺美感，轉向人文思致與畫外意趣，以文學寫作的
「意」統攝繪畫審美的過程。
Verisimilitude and Abstraction:
A Discussion of Sung aesthetics
according to the Development of Poetry
on Painting from the T’ang to
the Sung Dynasty
I Lo-fen
Verisimilitude and abstraction are two important concepts in Chinese
aesthetics. In the course of the study of Sung and T'ang poetry on
painting, the author discovered that T'ang writers emphasized
verisimilitude while Sung ones praised abstraction. Thus these two
categories can be seen as representative of the aesthetics spirit of
the T'ang and the Sung dynasty respectively. But it is also
important to understand the historical development that shifted the
emphasis from verisimilitude to abstraction, and this is what the
author sets out to do in this piece, by studying the development of
poetry on painting. After presenting the historical background and
the changes in aesthetic sense, the author concludes that the Sung
move towards abstraction is a consequence of the departure from
realistic depictions in painting towards more literary forms of
representations. This more abstract type of representations would
lead the observer to a literary concept and meaning to be found
beyond the picture expressed in the painting.
Keywords:
verisimilitude abstraction aesthetics
poetry on
painting T'ang Sung
論辛棄疾的文學思想與審美情趣
鞏
本
棟
提
要
辛棄疾並未給後人留下直接和系統地表述其文學思想和觀念的文字，然而從他在作品
的一些零星的論述及他的許多作品本身，我們卻不難看出他對詞體的重視，以及他是如何利用時人以詞為小道，故與詩相比，作詞罹禍的概率也要小得多的觀念，以詞為陶寫之具並取得偉大成就的；不難看出他在以詞抒寫胸臆和反映社會現實、描摹客觀景物時所體現出的兼融剛柔的審美理想和情趣以及細緻綿密的藝術創作特徵，而這種審美情趣與特徵，是與其思想上的融合兵、儒和性格上的兼備剛強果毅與謹嚴細密有著密切聯繫的。
A Review of Hsin Ch’i-chi’s Literary
Theory and Aesthetics
GONG
Bendong
Hsin
Ch'i-chi never wrote about his literary theories. However, by
analyzing his literary works, we can notice how he devoted great
attention to the formal aspect of tz'u. Furthermore, turning
to his advantage the contemporary view that underestimated tz'u
(thus the possibility of becoming unpopular through writing
tz'u was less likely than when composing classical style
poetry), he achieved great success with this form by pouring his out
his heart. His unique aesthetics consisted in charming and
meticulous artistry that mirrored real life and described scenery.
His aesthetic approach is closely intertwined with his idea of
merging the ancient military strategy with Confucianism, or, in
other words, coupling hardness with softness.
Keywords:
Hsin Ch'i-chi literary theory aesthetics
重讀〈杜十娘怒沈百寶箱〉
周
建
渝
提
要
「出院」與「沈江」兩部分的對應
述，構成了本作品外在形式的結構；十娘與李甲兩個角色在社會地位與道德水準上的對應關係，構成了作品內在的理路結構。整部作品採用這種對應式的敘述，在揭示故事角色之間社會地位之差異與道德水準之差異的同時，更強調了角色道德水準之差異，從而有效地彰顯了作品的寓意。百寶箱並非僅是一筆附屬於十娘的財產，它以物質形態上眾所珍視的價值，隱喻了十娘「全玉而毀」之人格的價值。
本故事的結局雖不同於〈玉堂春落難逢夫〉，兩者的預設前提卻基本相同。玉堂春由於幫助王三官向科舉仕途復歸，使自己的命運得到拯救。杜十娘慫恿李甲輟學南歸，背離了科舉正道，因而導致兩敗俱損。前者通過設置玉堂春與王三官的團圓結局，從正面肯定了中國文人的傳統價值觀；後者則安排十娘與李甲以悲劇收場，從反面強化了同一價值觀。然而，無論是杜十娘或是玉堂春，都有待於男人去拯救。十娘與李甲基於性別差異的強弱之力量對比，是以表象與實質對立的方式體現出來的。表面的強勢背後隱含著實質的弱勢，內在的優勢則以懦弱無能為表象，由此使兩個主要角色的形象設計蘊涵了反諷意味。然而十分重要的是︰他們的悲劇結局凸顯了以男權為中心的文化意蘊。
A Re-reading of “Tu the Tenth
Sinks the Jewel Box in Anger”
ZHOU
Jianyu
The
parallel narratives of the “getting out of the brothel” and
“plunging into the river” form the external structure of this story,
while the corresponding relations of the two main characters, with
their different social and moral status, constitute its internal
structure. The story, however, puts more emphasis on the differences
in the characters' moral quality rather than their social class,
thus revealing effectively the main theme of the story. The jewel
box represents not only the wealth of Tu the Tenth, but also Tu the
Tenth herself; as it refers to Tu the Tenth's will to die rather
than to accept change.
Although different in its conclusion, the story “Yu-t'ang Ch'un in
Misery Meets Her Lover,” shares a common assumption with “Tu the
Tenth”. Yu-t'ang Ch'un rescues herself by helping Master Wang to
return to the orthodox path of the civil service examinations.
Tu the
Tenth, however, destroys herself by taking Master Li away from the
civil service examination. In other words, the happy ending of
Yu-t'ang Ch'un and Master Wang's story confirms the traditional
values of Chinese literati from a positive perspective, while the
tragic ending of Tu the Tenth and Master Li strengthens the same
value from a negative point of view. In any event, Tu the Tenth or
Yu-t'ang Ch'un, as women, both have to be rescued by the male
characters. The power-difference between Tu the Tenth and Master Li,
based on their gender, is presented as a contrast between their
appearance and essence. Master Li's apparent strength covers his
real weakness and vice versa, and this makes the design of
characters ironical. However, very importantly, the tragic ending of
Tu the tenth evokes a culture centered on male chauvinism.
Keywords:
Tu the Tenth Common Words to Warn the World
Three Words
Feng Meng-lung Yu-t'ang Ch'un
Chinese
vernacular story
明末清初才子佳人劇之言情內涵
及其所引生之審美構思
王
璦
玲
提
要
中國戲曲發展至明末清初，由於易代世變之衝擊，除了開拓出「以曲為史」的寫實新趨外，事實上，仍有不少劇作家仍延續著晚明以來重情思潮之餘波，主張以真情的抒發為美，將「言情」、「寫情」視為藝術呈現的核心，創作出許多以才子佳人遇合、婚戀為題材的愛情佳作。所謂「傳奇十部九相思」，「相思」指的就是男女之情。才子佳人劇之情節多半敘寫才子佳人一見鍾情、吟詠酬唱的婚戀情事；小人播亂、好事多磨的婚戀糾葛；夫榮妻貴、滿門團圓的婚戀結局。值得注意的是，明代「言情」觀的發展，從李贄的「童心」說作為理論的發軔，經過湯顯祖（1550-1616）、馮夢龍（1574-1646）等在戲曲、小說方面創作實踐上的努力，並提煉出「情至」、「情為理之維」等主情的美學觀點後，至明代末年其理論內蘊發生了變化。明末清初的戲曲劇論家如王思任（1574-1646）、孟稱舜（約1600-1684）、李漁（1611-約1679）與金聖嘆等人對「情」的理解，呈現出一種歸復於性理的傾向，即近於所謂「性情者，禮義之根柢」的「情正」立場。此種美學思潮之轉變，也出現在實際劇作中。不過由於美學理論上之轉變與創作，並非必然地發生於同一軸線，因此在同一時期可以有交錯的表現。如晚明至清初許多愛情劇的佳作，在性質上是繼承了湯顯祖謳歌「至情」的傳統，劇作家通過才子佳人悲歡離合的故事，細緻入微地描繪了發生在少男少女生命中情與理的衝突，描繪他們對愛情生死不渝的執著追求，並總是以情的實現與情的不朽為最高境界，如《焚香記》、《紅梅記》、《紅梨記》、《橘浦記》、《情郵記》、《夢花酣》、《畫中人》、《西樓記》等。然而，也是在晚明至清初這一時期，戲曲劇作中的婚戀主題開始出現了另一種歷史性的逆轉。如《嬌紅記》、《燕子箋》、《綠牡丹》、《貞文記》、《五高風》、《秦樓月》、《石麟鏡》、《笠翁十種曲》等作品中，作家都力圖把情與禮、情與理、情與性折衷地會統起來，著力表現的只是愛情與社會邪惡勢力（如權豪勢要、無行文人、奸詐小人等）的衝突。情與理的強烈對立與衝突，在這些傳奇中並未予以充分地展示，反而是逐漸消融於情理交融、情理合一的調和論調之中。
有鑑於此，本文首先說明明末清初才子佳人劇「情」觀轉變之文藝思潮背景；其次，探討此一時期才子佳人劇「情」觀之性理化趨向，並進一步論析影響明末清初才子佳人劇情節設計的幾種審美考量；最後，則論述才子佳人劇所呈現之作家主體意識與文人心態。總之，明末清初之才子佳人劇不唯在其內涵上，具有某種可以清楚鑒別其特徵的思維傾向，亦且由於此種傾向，造成某些必然將影響其結構設計之審美考量，而此種思維傾向與審美考量，實亦與作者之主觀價值及身世之感有所關聯，值得論者特為關注。而這些注意點也都將成為研究明清戲曲史時所不得不討論之要項。
（本文承行政院國家科學委員會補助，係作者「明末清初才子佳人劇情觀之發展及其藝術特質」〔NSC-89-2411-H-001-057〕研究計畫之部分成果，謹此致謝。）
The Expression of Ch'ing and Its Aesthetic
Construction in Late Ming to Early
Ch’ing Scholar-Beauty Drama
WANG
Ayling
In the
history of Chinese drama, the early Ch'ing period is usually
regarded as equally important as the late Ming period for the
development of chuanqi drama. In fact, chuanqi drama
had been flourishing for almost two hundred years before the
regional drama replaced it in the middle of the Ch'ien-lung period.
Although the poetics of early Ch'ing drama continued the late Ming
dramatic tradition, the transformation of dramatic aesthetics during
the dynastic change must have influenced the writing of chuanqi
drama. Following the shift from ch'ing to li, the
dramatic aesthetics also moved from the late Ming yen-ch'ing
ideal to the early Ch'ing idea of “integrating ch'ing and
li” (ch'ing-li-he-i). How did the rationale of
“integrating ch'ing and li” influence the development
of love theme in the ts'ai-tzu chia-jen drama (scholar-beauty
drama) of this period? How did the social and cultural background
stimulate the flourish of scholar-beauty drama in late Ming? How did
the change of the relation between ch'ing and li turn
the late Ming romantic tradition into the early Ch'ing realm of
realism with more historical and social consciousness? How did
scholar-beauty drama produce its rational content and relevant
aesthetic construction during this dynastic transition? What is the
significance of writing scholar-beauty for the literati of this era?
What are the major modes and structural characteristics of
scholar-beauty drama? Did the authors present some special aesthetic
taste in their plays? To answer these questions, I first examine how
the social and cultural background influenced the development of
scholar-beauty drama from the late Ming to the early Ch'ing.
Secondly, I analyze the rational trends of ch'ing in these
plays. I then go on to explore the narrative mode and the structural
design of scholar-beauty drama. Finally, by discussing how
Ming-Ch'ing literati externalized their subjectivity by writing
scholar-beauty dramas and the mentality behind this phenomenon, I
point out the significance of scholar-beauty drama from late Ming to
early Ch'ing within the framework of Chinese literary tradition.
Keywords:
Ming-Ch'ing late Ming early Ch'ing chuanqi drama
love
romantic romance
船山以「勢」論詩和中國詩歌藝術本質
蕭
馳
提
要
本文循船山思想本身由《易》學展開的進路，探討「勢」這一在船山詩學中界定抒情詩本質意義的範疇。由船山《易》學，文章推衍︰「勢」強調了應由宇宙無始無終、生生不已的變化，而非本體的觀念去界定世界的本質。而船山歷史哲學中「勢」的運用又說明︰「勢」並非與原因論或目的論相關的「客觀規律」，而是無法從一次性的歷史中抽象出來，亦不排除神祕意識的不可避免性。以此為基礎，文章對船山詩學中「勢」意涵所涉及的「時間架構」和「空間架構」兩方面進行探討。首先，以「勢」論詩，彰顯了詩的本質乃人莫之能測的動態中「意」之開顯，而非題旨。因船山屢借書法論詩和強調「言未可忘」，詩因而是一種活動，一受內在生命力驅遣的行文過程。此生命力又外於詩人意志操控而具自生性質。其次，在詩的意象世界中，則如在傳統畫論和堪輿學中一樣，「勢」強調了「從靜止去想像動態」，即以詩境虛涵宇宙的眾動之化。由此，詩歌體認出宇宙乃充分節奏化的時空同一體。文章最後提出︰船山以「勢」論詩的根本意義在於揭呈出中國傳統詩歌的本質︰其非西方文論「摹仿」或「表現」概念所能涵攝，其精義實在以藝術重義地體認宇宙的律動。正是船山詩學，而非受佛學霑溉之唐宋詩學中「意境說」，發揚了肇端《周易》的中國主體文明精神。
Wang Fu-chih’s Definition of Poetry in
Terms of “Shih” and the Nature of Chinese
Lyrical Poetry
XIAO Chi
The
present essay uses Wang Fu-chih's study on The Classic of Changes,
the foundation of his philosophical thought, as an avenue to
approach the concept of shih, extremely significant to define
the nature of Chinese lyrical poetry.
By
using shih Wang Fu-chih shows how the essence of the reality
should not be defined ontologically but rather in terms of its
continuous variations. The application of this concept to Wang's
philosophy of history also demonstrates that the concept does not
mean “objective law of development” related to either etiology or
teleology. Rather it designates an ineluctability which, somewhat
mysteriously, cannot be drawn from unique historical events. From
this perspective, the essay explores the meanings of this concept in
the two main aspects that Wang's poetics involves, namely the
temporal and the spatial framework of poetry.
First
of all, the concept reveals that the essence of poetry is not the
theme, but the unpredictable dynamic process that unfolds the theme.
Given Wang Fu-chih's use of calligraphy terminology and his high
regard of language in discussing poetry, we can see how for him a
poem is an activity, that is, an active linguistic process impelled
by inner vitality. This vital impulse, however, is beyond the will
of poet and therefore self-generated. Secondly, in the world of
poetic imagery, like in the traditional theories of painting and
geomancy, the concept of shih also emphasizes the idea of
“imagining the dynamic in terms of the static,” i.e., of imagining
the lyric inner landscape contained within the continuity of cosmic
variations. In this regard, the world of poetry betokens the
universe as a fully harmonious temporal-spatial unity. The ultimate
significance of Wang's discussion of poetry in terms of shih
is its revelation of the nature of traditional Chinese lyrical
poetry: artistic work tautologically embodies the rhythm of
perpetual cosmic movement, that cannot be described by Western terms
such as “mimesis” or “expression”. It is Wang Fu-chih's poetics,
rather than the “theory of lyric realm” influenced by Buddhism and
flourished in T'ang and Sung dynasties, that represents and develops
the ethos of the main Chinese civilization begun with The Classic
of Changes.
Keywords:
shih
Wang Fu-chih's Thought
Study of
The Classic of Changes Chinese lyricism
viewing the
cosmos as becoming
淪
降
暨
遐
昇──論《鏡花緣》所望終虛的
天路歷程
駱
水
玉
提
要
現代學者對清代長篇章回小說《鏡花緣》的論述甚夥，特別是第八回至四十回，《鏡花緣》的世界隨唐敖等人的遠洋遊蹤而繞出天朝「門戶山」，移至海外絕域之國、殊類之人，最後止泊於杳無人蹤的海外極南之境──小蓬萊，尤其引發學者們諸多面向的討論。然則這長達三十幾回的外域遊歷故事，在全書結構上的定位及其幽隱的寓意，實仍有探索的空間。本文試圖透過「淪降──遐昇」的多重論辯，將《鏡花緣》這趟千迴百轉而始終定向於天朝的遐荒之旅，定位為「鏡花水月」──所望終虛的天路歷程。一方面接引書中兩大主線──淪降下界的百名才女奔赴天朝、逞才競豔的人文盛會，以及忠義之師反正「錯亂陰陽」的偽天朝、重建李唐天朝正統的勤王大業；另一方面，迂迴地寄寓並終結了功名蹇滯的傳統文人在天朝的神聖光照下，所作的一場最普遍也最無法懸解於心的登昇大夢。
The Hopeless Road to Heaven in
Ching-hua Yuan
LO
Shui-yu
Many
contemporary scholars have written about the traditional Chinese
novel Ching-hua Yuan, Flowers in the Mirror: in particular,
the account of the sea-bound voyage of T'ang Ao and his
companions-who sail from Mt. Man-hu in the Heavenly Kingdom to many
foreign lands to finally alight on the desolate fairyland of Hsiao
P'eng-lai (chaps. 8-40)― has attracted the attention of many
critics. However, much remains to be investigated about this
fantastic journey that spans over some thirty chapters and about its
very important position in the overall structure of the book. The
present essay tries to map out the process from Exile to Ascent and
narrates how Exile and Ascent connect the two main narrative threads
of the novel. On one hand, we have the arrival to Earth of the one
hundred exiled flower-fairies and the gathering of literary talents
who pursue both self-fulfillment and fame in the Heavenly Kingdom.
On the other, we see the exiled loyalists who enact the restoration
of the orthodox Earthly Kingdom, namely the T'ang dynasty.
This
intricate voyage, which begins and ends with the Heavenly Kingdom,
also examines the destinies of the two protagonists, T'ang Ao and
T'ang Hsiao-shan, who both go from exile to ascent, albeit by
different means. Moreover, this journey depicts a world full of
illusions in which the quest for life is destined to be in vain. The
characters' final move far away from the Earthly Kingdom symbolizes
an idealistic and hopeless quest for self-fulfillment and orthodoxy,
quest which arises from the author's deepest desires and
frustrations.
Keywords:
Ching-hua Yuan Flowers in the Mirror quest
traditional
Chinese fiction
王坦之〈廢莊論〉的反莊思想︰從玄學與反玄學、
莊學與反莊學的互動談起
周
大
興
提
要
魏晉之際儒家經術衰微而老莊思想抬頭，玄學家往往成為後代人批評清談虛浮之風導致禮壞樂崩中原傾覆的罪魁禍首。自正始玄學何晏、王弼始，以無為本，「崇本息末」，亦即會通孔老，解決自然與名教的衝突成為思想主流；而後的竹林莊學興盛，衝決網羅，為現實虛偽的名教禮法展開激烈的批判。嵇康的「越名教而任自然」，卻成了西晉元康以降名士們裸裎露醜、放蕩越禮的藉口，形成嚴重的敗壞風氣。從樂廣「名教中自有樂地」、裴頠的《崇有論》到郭象的注《莊》，其實都是要糾正這種自然與名教之間的絕裂矛盾，試圖調和二者的緊張關係。
玄風南渡之後，元康以來的放蕩之風並未稍歇，自然與名教的衝突從原本政治秩序的問題轉變擴大為社會秩序家族倫理方面，自然與名教的關係問題仍未獲得解決。東晉的玄學即在一股玄禮雙脩、綜合儒道的學術風氣中逐漸成形，其中王坦之的〈廢莊論〉即為主要代表。王坦之為東晉中期主要思想家，打著「廢莊」的口號，批判當時的清談虛浮之風。〈廢莊論〉認為︰（一）莊子獨構之唱，有體無用；（二）莊子之學導致蕩肆風氣；（三）回歸「在儒非儒，非道有道」的孔老之學。〈廢莊論〉批評「莊生作而風俗頹」，造成了放浪之風，目的在於回歸「孔老之學」，反映了東晉綜合儒道的整體方向。結論指出，〈廢莊論〉在玄學史上的意義在於，呼應回歸正始玄學會通孔老的立場。從魏晉玄學的發展與竹林莊學以降的玄學與反玄學、莊學與反莊學的反省脈絡看來，玄學家們認為時代放蕩之風並非「昔吾孔老，固已言之」的玄學主流所應承擔的問題。〈廢莊論〉對於莊子的批評，見仁見智，但它表明了，把放蕩風氣歸罪於何晏、王弼會通孔、老的正始玄學是無法成立的。
Wang T’an-chih’s “An Essay on
Abolishing Chuang-tzu”
CHOW
Ta-hsing
Wang
T'an-chih (330-375) was an important politician and thinker of the
Mid-Eastern Chin dynasty, as well as a famous exponent of the later
Wei-Chin hsuan-hsueh. His “An Essay on Abolishing
Chuang-tzu” is indeed one of the most representative works of
harmonizing Confucianism and Taoism in Eastern Chin philosophy. With
proper perspective from criticism and reflection on the liberating
atmosphere of this period, and looking at it in terms of the whole
philosophical development of hsuan-hsueh, we can rightly
comprehend the opposition between Wang T'an-chih and Chuang-tzu.
This
paper studies first of all the thought expressed in Wang T'an-chih's
essay vis-à-vis the earlier topics in hsuan-hsueh.
Consequently, the author proceeds to analyze this text's relevant
points and theoretical basis, by explaining its relationship to
Confucius and Lao-tzu. Finally, in the conclusion, the author
illuminates “An Essay on Abolishing Chuang-tzu”'s role within
the context of the history of hsuan-hsueh in the Wei-Chin
period.
Keywords:
Wang T'an-chih “An Essay on Abolishing Chuang-tzu”
hsuan-hsueh
Confucius/Lao-tzu School
法
藏
的
種
性
觀
廖
明
活
提
要
大乘佛教以成佛為歸宿，由是是否一切眾生都具有成佛的能力，可以通過化導和行踐，而證得佛果，乃是大乘思想的中心問題。由於不同大乘經論、甚至同一的大乘經論的不同部分，在這問題所表現的立場並不一致，以至中國佛教思想界就這問題出現爭議。唐朝初年玄奘（約602-664）及其門下提出五種種性的說法，主張有些二乘眾生和無性有情原來沒有佛的種性，因而永遠不能成佛，把這爭論推至高峰。本文探討華嚴宗的創立人法藏（643-713）對五種種性和其相關觀念的看法。
法藏主要環繞判教，申示他對種性問題的看法，因此本論文第一節首先通過析述法藏所提出「兩種大乘」、「五教」等判教分類裏有關種性問題的地方，顯示法藏的種性觀的大要。本文第二和第三節審視法藏對見於經論的「定性二乘」和「無性有情」觀念所作詮釋，看他如何通過抽空這些觀念原有的先天定性的涵意，強調沒有眾生是先天決定不能成佛，至而提出「二乘迴心」和「全分有性」的主張。本文第四節檢視法藏對「全分有性」說法為斷佛利他功德這批評所作答辯，並探討法藏提出佛種性遍通無情之物這說法的義理根據。
Fa-tsang’s Interpretation of the Buddhist
Idea of Gotra
LIU
Ming-wood
Whether all sentient beings can attain Buddhahood is a central
problem in Mahayana Buddhism. The controversy over this issue came
to a head in China during the seventh century, when Hsuan-tsang and
his followers put forward the theory of five “lineages” (gotras)
maintaining that there are three groups of sentient beings, i.e.
those of sravaka lineage, those of pratyekabuddha lineage and those
without lineage, who can never realize Buddhahood due to their lack
of Buddhànature. This paper examines the reaction of Fa-tsang
(643-713), the actual founder of the Hua-yen School and a fervent
advocate of the thesis of universal Buddhahood, to the theory of
gotras and its related concepts. The paper begins with an exhaustive
account of Fa-tsang's attempt to establish a correlation between
various opinions on the subject of gotra with various levels of
Buddhist teaching, with a view to relegating Hsuan-tsang's theory of
five lineages to an inferior form of Buddhist teaching. It goes on
to examine the way Fa-tsang reinterprets concepts in the scriptures
often cited to support the theory of five lineages, with an eye to
demonstrating that no sentient being is destined to be excluded from
Buddhahood forever. It concludes with a discussion of Fa-tsang's
replies to a number of criticisms raised against his thesis of
universal Buddhahood, and an explanation of Fa-tsang's novel idea of
the Buddha-gotra embracing both the realms of the sentient and the
non-sentient.
Keywords:
tathagatagarbha classification of teachings gotra
Hsuan-tsang Fa-tsang Hua-yen School
自我的客體化與普遍化──近代日本的「東洋」論
及隱匿其中的「西洋」與「支那」
陳
瑋
芬
提
要
向來的華語、日語、英語世界，對「東洋」一辭的釋義是分歧的。華語世界和英語世界不論在方位或是概念上，都以「我」為中心，把「東洋」理解為「遠方之地」或「蠻夷之地」；而以儒教文化傳人自栩的日本，卻未承繼中國傳統對「東洋」的解釋，而選擇把「我」涵括入「東洋」的地域範圍，視之為自我所隸屬的亞洲文化之統稱。按照津田左右吉（1873-1961）的說法，「東洋」意涵是在近代才遭受知識份子所更易，而這種作為一方面是要消弭傳統以中國文化（儒教思想）為文化根源的意識，推行日本才真正繼承東亞傳統、日本思想中早已孕育東方思想本源的觀點；一方面是在面對強勢的西洋文化時，也賦與日本的思想文化以一種普遍的價值，來相對抗衡。換言之，儒教在明治十年代（一八八０年代），伴隨國家主義的興起，再度獲選為替政權正當性辯護的工具，改頭換面成「亞細亞論」再生，其重要的書寫形式，就是環繞著「東洋哲學」、「東洋思想」、「東洋倫理」「東洋文化」、「東洋人」、「東洋學」、「東洋史」等等，朝向「西洋」的相對化印記「東洋」所呈現的論述。本文主要探討「東洋」一語在中國文化體系中的形成與發展，再聚焦於近代日本，選擇曾對「東洋」提出具體論述的井上哲次郎（1855-1944）、岡倉天心（1862-1932）、西晉一郎（1873-1943）、津田左右吉、橘樸（1881-1945）、竹內好（1910-1977）等六人，按其「東洋」論出現的順序，配合時代背景，分析知識份子所勾勒的「東洋」像、和近代日本「東洋」論的演變。內容側重於近代日本的知識份子之自我認同與自我詮釋、對文化血緣的回歸與超越；以及「東洋」論述中潛藏未現的、「日本人」面對「西洋」與「支那」時的相對意識。
The Objectivization and Universalization
of the Self―A Critical Look at the
Japanese Touyou Discourse and the Ideas
of Seiyou and Shina Implied Therein
CHEN
Wei-fen
The
term “Tung-yang” (Touyou) holds different meanings in the
English-, Japanese-, and Chinese-speaking worlds. In both Western
and Chinese society, the center of the world was constructed, both
geographically and conceptually, in terms of “we”, “us”; and “ours”,
while terms such as “Tung-yang” were understood as “distant,
barbarian places.” The Japanese, who prided themselves as the real
descendant of Confucian culture, did not follow the Chinese
interpretation of “Tung-yang” but chose to be included in the
Tung-yang region, and use the term to indicate the Asian culture
that they belonged to.
According to Tsuda Soukichi (1873-1961), the interpretations of
“Tung-yang” underwent a change in the hands of intellectuals in the
early eras of modern Japan. Eliminating the idea that Confucianism
is the cultural origin of Japan, they promoted the concept that
Japanese philosophy was the genuine successor of Asian traditions.
Furthermore, they wanted to give Japanese philosophy an universal
value that would complete the dominant Western culture. Accompanying
the rise of nationalism in Japan in the 1880s, Confucianism was
taken as the most effective tool for justifying political issues. It
was reborn into a brand new “Asian discourse” which took form in
such key phrases as “Tung-yang philosophy”, “Tung-yang thought” and
“Tung-yang history”, to emphasize a discourse oriented towards
“Tung-yang” as opposed to “Hsi-yang” (Western).
The
present article explores the formation and development of the term
“Tung-yang” in the context of Chinese culture, as well as its
definitions in modern Japan, based on the discussion of Inoue
Tetsujiro (1855-1944), Okakura Tenshin(1862-1932), Nishi
Shinichiro(1873-1943), Tsuda Soukichi, Tachibana Shiraki(1881-1945)
and Takeuchi Yoshimi(1910-1977). A special attention is given to
modern Japanese intellectuals' self-identification and
self-interpretation, their returning to, and transcending of their
own culture, as well as to their efforts to uncover the Japanese
unconsciousness as a rival of, and an opposition to, Western and
Chinese cultures.
Keywords:
Touyou Tung-yang Shina Oriental East
West
modern Japan
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