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宋代題「詩意圖」詩析論──以題「歸去來圖」、
「憩寂圖」、「陽關圖」為例
衣
若
芬
提
要
所謂「詩意圖」，又稱「詩畫」或「詩圖」，是以詩文為題材，表達詩文內涵的繪畫。「題詩意圖詩」，顧名思義，即是關於詩意圖的題詠。
本文選擇詩意圖的三種基本類型的宋代作品，即圖繪陶淵明〈歸去來兮辭〉全篇內容的「歸去來圖」、摘取杜甫〈戲為韋偃畫雙松圖歌〉中「松根胡僧憩寂寞」詩句所作的「憩寂圖」，以及摹寫王維〈送元二使安西〉詩境的「陽關圖」為實例，從其圖繪的原詩、原詩的圖象表現與觀覽方式、題畫詩對於前二文本的解讀與闡釋，管窺其間生成創發之要義。
作者認為︰手卷形式的「歸去來圖」延續六朝以來的敘事畫風格，觀覽手卷畫時，因畫卷的舒捲開合，畫中流動的時空結構以及敘事終始的隨機性，使得由圖象具現文字有如與淵明同歌「歸去來兮」，其題寫宛若追尋理想的紙上神遊，是解脫「心為形役」之苦的淨化過程。
取杜甫詩句的「憩寂圖」雖然以松下禪僧為題材，卻不以「松僧圖」命名，可知詩意圖的題目即隱含了必須通曉其文學典故方能領略畫意的文化要求，經過畫家摘取與淬煉，「憩寂圖」成為一幅時空定格卻餘意無窮的作品，尤其是蘇軾「不妨還作輞川詩」的遐想，更聯繫了「憩寂圖」與王維詩，直探完滿自足的心靈幽境。
「陽關圖」的觀賞與題寫則是另一番智性的哲思。王維〈送元二使安西〉詩被編入樂府，成為離筵傳唱的送行之歌，再被李公麟畫入尺幅，本身即幾經轉譯，形成富有深意的文化符碼，宋人題詠「陽關圖」，除了感受其間的離情別意，喟嘆山河變色，陽關迢遙，更從而思索「人事好乖，便當語離」的人生困境，並希冀昇華及超越離別之愁苦。「陽關圖」儘管以送別為主調，但是通過圖象表達的視覺經驗畢竟與實際的個人遭遇不同，因此又與送別題材的文學作品不同，由此亦可得見題畫詩的獨特文類性質。
作者並採納西方圖象學學者關於研究藝術品的意義所要經過的三個步驟來觀照詩意圖的欣賞與題詠，得知文學典故是創作詩意圖的活水源頭，因不同的歷史文化情境重生其圖象意義，而詩意圖的題寫則展示其反芻文化，賦予圖象象徵價值，吐故納新的智慧結晶。
An Analysis of the Sung Dynasty Colophons
to the
“Pictures on Poetry”– Based on
Colophons to the “Kui-ch’ü-lai-t’u”,
“Ch’i-chi-t’u” and
“Yang-kuan-t’u”
I Lo-fen
Paintings which use poetic material and illustrate the meanings
of the poetry are called “Pictures on Poetry.” These paintings
sometimes are given colophons.
This essay focuses on three works showing basic kinds of Sung
pictures on poetry: the “Kui-ch'ü-lai-t'u” illustrating Tao
Yuan-ming's “Kui-ch'ü-lai-hsi tz'u”; the “Ch'i-chi-t'u”
illustrating a line from Tu Fu's poem “Hsi-wei Wei Yen hua
Shuang-sung-t'u ke” (“The song written playfully for Wei Yan's
painting 'The Twin Pines'”) which reads, “The lonely rest of Hu Monk
at the roots of the pine”; and the “Yang-kuan-t'u” illustrating
Wang Wei's setting in “Sung Yuan-erh shih An-hsi.” From the original
poem depicted in the painting, the mode of representation and
perspective of the image of the original poem, and the way the colophon
interprets and explicates these two, we can gain a better understanding
of the creative process of these works of art.
In the author's view, the scroll of the “Kui-ch'ü -lai-t'u”
seems to continue the style of narration from the Six Dynasties period.
When one views the scroll, as it unrolls before one and then disappears
into the other roll, the random series of spatio-temporal structures and
narrative from beginning to end makes the graphic dimension resemble
writing. The colophon is like searching for an ideal in the course of
the imaginary journey on the paper. This experience relieves the pain of
“the mind subservient to the body” and so is a process of
purification.
As for the
“Ch'i-chi-t'u” of Tu Fu, although the excerpted line takes the Ch'an
monk under the pine tree as its subject, the picture is not called
“Picture of a Monk at the Pine.” Clearly the picture on poetry
implies a cultural demand that its topic be bound up with the literary
background in order to comprehend the meaning of the picture. Having
been excerpted and tempered by the painter, “Ch'i-chi-t'u” becomes a
work that is spatio-temporally frozen yet inexhaustible in its meaning.
In particular, Su Shih's phrase “Pu-fang huan-tso Wang-ch'uan-shih”
further associates the “Ch'i-chi-t'u” with the poetry of Wang Wei in
order to complement the imaginary landscape and try to make it totally
satisfying.
The appreciation and inscription of “Yang-kuan-t'u” is
another kind of philosophical wisdom. Wang Wei's poem “Sung Yuan-erh
shih An-hsi” has become part of the yue-fu tradition. It has
become a song sung at the end of banquets, to send off guests. Li Kung-lin
also painted it as a picture. Having been thus transferred and
interpreted, it became a cultural code rich in significance. Besides
dwelling on the sadness of departure and separation, the regrets of
travel into foreign territories, and the remoteness of the Yang Pass
where this incident took place, the Sung colophons to
“Yang-kuan-t'u” further think about the difficulties of human life,
observing that “human affairs are inconstant, then we must take
leave.” It offers the hope of overcoming the bitterness of separation
through sublimation. It is true that the major theme of
“Yang-kuan-t'u” is seeing loved ones depart. However, the visual
experience of the graphic expression is after all not the same as the
actual vicissitudes encountered by different individuals. And this
visual experience is in turn different from the literary works about
farewells and departure. Thus we can see the unique literary quality of
colophon poetry on the paintings.
The author also adopts three steps followed by western scholars
of iconography to study artistic significance, in order to survey the
way people view art and write colophons for it. We see that traditional
episodes important for the literary arts are the creative sources for
the pictures on poetry. Different cultural-historical circumstances can
be represented to show their symbolic meanings, and the colophons to the
pictures on poetry demonstrate that in the process of ruminating over
them, they become endowed with graphic symbolic value; this is the
crystallization of the wisdom of discarding the old and accepting the
new.
Key
words: pictures on poetry poetry on painting
Kui- ch'ü -lai-t'u
Ch'i-chi-t'u Yang-kuan-t'u
Sung Dynasty
談韓愈以文為戲的問題
方
介
提
要
韓愈提倡古文運動成功的關鍵，不能只從「文以明道」的角度觀察，而應重視他「以文為戲」在當時與後世文壇所造成的影響。但是，過去學者往往忽略這個問題，而未予深究。本文則根據韓愈的創作理論與實績，指出他處在一個以文學共娛的時代，有鑑於六朝以來為文者多拘偶對、唯務綺靡之弊病，而改變了遊戲招式，大力提倡「古文」，一方面以散易駢，另一方面以古道為依歸，於是把遊戲提昇到藝術的境界，並且與道德相結合，而發揮了改革文風的作用。他以遊戲傳聖道，使文章內外全面翻新的苦心，雖然在當時與後代都遭到了誤解和譏評，但是，因為他的文章能以遊戲出之，娛樂效果特佳，流傳特廣，所以還是帶動了風潮，而完成了「興存聖人之道」的大業。此一論點之提出，當可釐清前人誤解，一新韓文研究之視野。
Han Yü: Writing Essays As Playing
Games
FANG Chieh
Why could Han Yü succeed in promoting the Ku-wen (Classical
Style) Movement? We cannot discuss the question solely from the
viewpoint of “writing essays to expand the teaching of Confucius and
Mencius.” We should pay attention to his demonstration of “writing
essays as playing games,” and its influence on his contemporaries and
on future writers. Most researchers, however, have ignored this problem.
This paper points out that Han Yü lived in a time in which
the literary men often amused themselves with their works, and that he
changed “the rules of the game” on them by vigorously promoting “ku-wen.”
By doing this he substituted a more classical style instead of
continuing the special euphuistic style consisting of antithetical or
parallel constructions of four and six characters. Furthermore, he
followed the teachings of Confucius and Mencius, adding a moral sense to
his writing; in this way he turned the game into art. Though his
attitude of taking writing essays as playing games gave rise to much
controversy, it provided his works with a strange recreational effect,
and became widely known. That's why Han could create a new literary
atmosphere and preach successfully the teachings of the ancient sages.
Key
words: ku-wen (the classical style of writing
essays) playing
games
play acting making
fun of each other; mocking
humorous, jocular
teachings of the ancient sages
三十年代中國文化論述中的法西斯妄想以及壓抑︰
從幾個文本徵狀談起
劉
紀
蕙
提
要
本文以一九三四年上海聯華電影製片廠出產的《國風》與《大路》兩個電影文本以及郭沫若的詩作開始，展開徵狀式閱讀，指出右翼論述與左翼論述同時呈現的戰鬥修辭、唯心浪漫、心靈淨化、群性規範、壓抑與情慾轉移、同性情慾流動以及與群體「融化」、「結合」之渴望，以及獻身捐軀的熱情。本文藉由精神分析對於集體心理學以及妄想機制的研究，說明上述徵狀都具有妄想特質，也含有法西斯之內在衝動。中國三十年代的文藝論述以及政治修辭，甚至當時的力行社、文化復興運動、新生活運動之論述模式，也都流露出唯心浪漫之模式，追求新秩序，以正常、正確、健康之集體論述，排斥病態與奢華墮落的清潔檢查政策，以及朝向極權化的法西斯美學。因此，並不是「文以載道」或是「現代化」造成中國現代文學與文化論述場域呈現排斥異己的法西斯徵狀，而是國家主體展開形式化的過程中，急切追尋國家主體與新秩序的動力，使得個人放棄眼前之直接對象，壓抑個人之私人慾望，轉而投注於集體的慾望對象；同時，無法有效生產、不屬於健康進步的異質物便必須被排除於「正常模式」之外。這就是為何反組織化、反僵化政治身分的現代主義文學藝術成為現代化與國家主義形式化過程中所不容的異端。
The Fascist Drive and the Symptoms of
Paranoia in the Filmic and other Cultural
Texts in China in the 1930s
LIU Joyce Chi-hui
Kuo-feng and Ta-lu, both produced by the Lien-hua
Film Company in 1934, reveal the fascist drive and symptoms of paranoia
through the rhetoric of romantic idealism, the projection of the utopian
vision, and the dichotomization of the sacred and the demon. All these
symptoms lead to the desire for the collective phallus, a new national
order and national subjectivity. Such fascist mentalities corresponded
to the contemporary cultural discursive fields, such as the literary
debates on “the liberty people” or “the third kind of people,”
the film censorship practiced by the governmental bureaus, as well as
the Li-hsing Society and the related New Life Movement. The need to
establish the norm and to purge the heterogeneous and the unclean, as
demonstrated in all these cultural texts, is the fascist aesthetic
required in the process of the formalization of the nationalist subject.
Key
words: fascist aesthetic Chinese film of the 1930s
political paranoia
modernity nationalism
totalitarian discourse
直諫形式與知識分子──漢晉辭賦的
擬騷、對問系列
鄭
毓
瑜
提
要
本論文不僅對比漢晉辭賦中諷諫書寫的時代差異，更重要的是為整個前中古的諷諫文學尋索出真正的來源––屈騷，以及從戰國到魏晉前後數百年間知識分子如何藉助屈騷的直諫形式來成就自己面對政治社會的姿態。
產生於知識分子成形的紛亂戰國，屈原「直諫」因此一開始就是在「賢人失志」的背景上，展現一種抗拒而不妥協、失望而不棄守的態度；「士不遇」第一次在屈原筆下成為知識分子獨立人格的表徵。這所謂「直諫」於是不能僅僅理解成是對於君王的勸諫或是對於社群的訓戒，反而偏重於透過知識分子自身所折射出的一切可能的怨懟、苦悶或是隱微的渴望與蒼茫的失落。這是個孤立而傲然的創作者，在激切、哀婉或嘲諷的語調間焠鍊自己持續的意志。「直諫形式」也因此超越言說策略作用於他人的目的性，說服自己多過於說服君王，啟發自我多過於改造社會。最後，在楚騷這一系列的直諫效應都變得趨向自我而內在––重在想像作為一個「知識分子」的必要特質。
如果承認屈原是中國文學史上第一個自覺地「發憤以抒情」的作者，那麼就必須承認他也是第一個自覺創作「諷諫文學」的作者，同時〈離騷〉、〈九章〉、〈遠遊〉等是首先站在相對於權勢的所謂知識分子的立場來抒情言志的文學作品。從屈原以下至於魏、晉，這個個人發憤抒情的文學系列，形成一個與世俗體系相距相持的態勢，成為文學世界中標幟知識分子必要之獨立的書寫場域。不遇在某種程度上適足以維持批判的眼光，而觸發一己屈伸於體制內外的多層次體驗。當王逸以怪物充斥的世界象徵錯置拘繫的痛苦；當阮籍以奇方異域開展大人先生的遠遊，交錯現實與虛構的神思想像，具體豐富了知識分子這個身分認同賴以存在的「直諫形式」。
不論是藉助儒學或莊學來完成直諫環境中相對於「政統」的「道統」，共同祖紹屈原的直諫文學作品有成套明顯可辨的體式結構與成辭事典，包括獨白或對問兩大敘述模式、自傷自美或辯解譏嘲的語調，引證比對的史蹟人物或虛構想像的仙界太初，其中與知識分子身分認同密切相關的人物事典的運用，尤能深刻反應不同時期對於所謂知識分子互有出入的形象塑造。餓死的伯夷是否稱得上仁義；早夭的顏淵有沒有怨恨；剖心的比干算不算救國的忠臣；自沈的屈原算不算是風雅君子？這些辨難與重寫，反覆而仔細地剖析該堅持何種志節、如何可以笑傲世俗、如何才能忍受不遇的寂寞，一部直諫典型的構成史就是中國知識分子獨立人格的發展史。
而建立知識分子自身的歷史，重點顯然不全是資料出處的問題，更重要的是一種可遇而不可求的「知音」的詮評，透過惺惺相惜的同情共感（探照出意志所往、哀怨所在或者是名價所重），「典型」的意義最後並不只是停留在具體事件上，而是一種超越時空的共鳴傳響，可以振動與繫連每一個真正的知識分子。從這個角度來看，不論是經籍、傳說，甚或是寓言、假說，所有匯聚在「典型」人物身上的多元描述，就是此起彼落的感知默會，當孔子眼中的伯夷流轉到史遷、阮籍筆下；當漁父從楚騷、莊子至於嵇康《高士傳》；當大人從司馬相如的翩僊至於阮籍、劉伶的沈醉……，歷代作者、讀者與典型人物於是共同處在一個更大的諷諫環境，透過形式的傳述與改寫，他們不只個別地相對於當代權勢、體制，也一起面對歷史––銘刻一個不知名姓、未知生年的所謂「知識分子」的不朽姿態﹗
Patterns of Expostulation and the
Identities of Intellectuals
–The Discourse of “Encountering
Sorrow” in
Han and Chin Rhapsodies
CHENG Yü-yü
The main point of this essay is not only to compare the different
patterns of exhortation from pre-Ch'in to Wei-Chin times, but also to
trace the origin of the pre-medieval expostulation literature back to
“Encountering Sorrow.” Arising from the Warring States Period, the
expostulation of Ch'ü Yuan, expressing the sorrow of banishment and
the inability to realize one's goals, is the first creation of a genre
which fostered the appearance of a Lyric Tradition for intellectuals,
providing a pattern for writing resistance. This pattern therefore
served as a means of persuasion of emperors, a means of admonishing
people, and moreover was a reflection of the intellectuals' aspiration
and grief, their fondest hopes and their bitter disappointment. From Han
to Wei-Chin, writers imitating the Sorrow Pattern (sao-t'i)
constructed a series of discourses on Ch'ü Yuan, simultaneously
establishing aspects of the intellectuals' independent situation. It did
not matter , when they contrasted Tao and Power (shih) to
indicate that morals were valued more than political power, whether they
drew on Confucianism or on Chuang-tzu's Taoism; this writing brought
both viewpoints together. The discourse exhibits a systematically
dualistic orientation, for example by using monologue and dialogue,
featuring both lament and eager utterance, bringing in paradigms from
attested history and imaginary myth. With all these special pleadings
and debates, all these over-written revisions, we can manifest the
images of intellectuals in this article through their polycentric and
abundant formations. The rewriting of Ch'ü Yuan in the Wei-Chin
rhapsodies consequently can be referred to as the rehashing of the
intellectuals. These discourses contained detailed analyses about what
kind of virtue could defend against the secular darkness, what kind of
loyalty could fulfill the self's morality, and what kind of liege could
endure the loneliness of banishment that seems never ending.
In conclusion, we may say that Ch'ü Yuan was the first
scholar that was conscious to create the expostulating pattern, and the
subsequent rhapsodies in the Simulated Sorrow Pattern (ni-sao-t'i)
construct the typical expostulation literature, as well as the history
of independent intellectuals.
Key
words: discourse of encountering sorrow
patterns of expostulation
Han-Chin rhapsodies
identity of intellectuals
汪中、淩廷堪文學思想析論──
揚州學派文學思想的兩個方向
李
貴
生
提
要
汪中和淩廷堪是清代揚州學派的代表人物。除了深於經學外，他們俱雅擅文學，且各自對文學有一番見解。然而，與他們同時及稍晚的學者並不瞭解他們的想法。這些學者多誤解汪中的文學思想，並把他與淩廷堪的主張混為一談。其實汪、淩的意見分別展示了揚州學派文學思想的兩個方向，釐清二人的關係，有助我們全面掌握乾嘉考證學者的文學思想。
本文首先分述汪中和淩廷堪的文學思想，繼而考察他們分歧的地方，最後探討這兩個不同的方向被人混同的過程，藉此補充過去研究的不足。
An Analysis of the Literary Thoughts of
Wang Chung and of Ling T’ing-k’an: Two
Directions of the Yang-chou School’s
Literary Thoughts
LEE Kwai-sang
Wang Chung and Ling
T'ing-k'an are two representative figures of the Yang-chou School of the
Ch'ing Dynasty. Their erudition is shown not only in classical studies,
but also in literature, and each of the two developed a unique view
about literary writing. Yet, many of their contemporaries as well as
subsequent scholars misunderstood their literary thoughts, and generally
confused Wang Chung's views with Ling T'ing-k'an's. In fact, Wang Chung
and Ling T'ing-k'an each initiated a different direction of the literary
thinking of the Yang-chou School. Clarification of the similarities and
differences between Wang and Ling will help us acquire a comprehensive
understanding of the theories of prose developed by scholars of
classical studies in the Ch'ien-lung and Chia-ch'ing periods.
This paper will
begin with a separate exposition of the literary thoughts of Wang Chung
and of Ling T'ing-k'an. The exposition will be followed by a study of
their differences, and finally by an exploration of the process through
which people confused the two scholars' thoughts one with the other. The
purpose is to collect and organize related material to make up for the
lack of studies in the area.
Key
words: Wang Chung
Ling T'ing-k'an
Yang-chou School
literary thoughts
到共產主義之路──陳獨秀愛國主義中的歷史和個人
楊
貞
德
提
要
陳獨秀走向共產主義的道路是輾轉曲折的。他雖然在清末即與無政府主義者多所接觸，也於一九一五年明白肯定社會主義的價值，卻及至一九二0年方始主張以共產主義作為改造中國的指導原則。本文主旨即在經由梳理陳獨秀關於「歷史」與「個人」的討論，說明他在這段期間所懷抱愛國主義的特徵，以及思想上的幾項重要轉折。
陳獨秀的轉向共產主義與他對於國家的關懷有密切關係。他自始即憂心於中國在列強環伺下的命運，爾後並由於個人識見的增進和客觀形勢的變化，分別就外交、內政與文化、和社會結構等層面界定中國問題的性質。他首先向官方獻議鞏固兵防，之後改為呼籲安徽省民，共同致力於國富兵強的建設，再改為勉勵全國青年以近代西方為模範建立新文化，以至於敦促所有勞動者透過組織和強力革既有政治社會經濟結構之命。陳獨秀並未因為關注國家命運，而主張國家至上。他在強調個人應該努力挽救國家於危急存亡之際的同時，再三呼籲要在認清國家保衛人民福祉的真正目的下愛國，並試圖從個人的角度說明個人與國家的相依相存。
陳獨秀走向共產主義的考量與選擇，尤其清楚地見於他愛國主張中關於歷史與個人的看法。陳獨秀原先以為在救國的目標下，中國歷史具有提供學習榜樣和增進國家認同的功能；但是在接受進化史觀之後，轉以西方國家的經驗作為改造社會的指標，並嚴苛地批評中國傳統。他承認人類歷史有其由封建、經資本主義、以至於社會主義的階段進化。不過，他重視進化所意涵社會中幸福的增加和公理的伸張，更甚於其中所謂演化的定則；他也相信俄國大革命業已證明社會主義無俟於資本主義的充分發展，並且可以作為改造中國現狀的模範。
在陳獨秀看來，共產主義不僅意涵進化，並且是各種社會主義中最具體有效的辦法。陳獨秀歷來強調個人不要作奴隸，重視個人的識見與努力所能造成的影響，並在試圖改造現狀時，傾向於以說理的方式，直接訴諸個人的自我覺醒與要求。然而，巴黎和會的失敗所展現出中國軍閥和歐美日各國的冥頑不靈，使他覺悟必須以強力對抗強力；俄國大革命的成功更使他以為共產主義在這方面提供了理論的解釋和實踐的辦法，他因此開始強調個人是社會的產物，個人要想改變社會，必須透過聚合眾人力量的組織構築新的強力。陳獨秀在建黨的目標下，不再強調個人的自由與自治；他轉而希望黨員能統一意志合力執行黨的意見。陳獨秀這一由重視個人及其自我改造到強調組織和直接改造社會的轉變，恰亦體現中國近代思想史上由新文化運動走向共產主義運動的重要關鍵。
The Route to Communism: History and the
Individual in Ch’en Tu-hsiu’s
Patriotism
YANG Chen-te
The appeal of
Communism to Ch'en Tu-hsiu was far from direct and immediate. Ch'en in
his youth had among his close friends anarchists and, in 1915, openly
praised socialism as one of the three essential characteristics of the
admirable modern West. He, nonetheless, did not commit himself to
Communism until 1920. As this essay shows, in the process of his turning
to Communism, Ch'en not only redefined the problems that China had to
face but also epitomized significant intellectual changes of his time.
Like most modern Chinese intellectuals, Ch'en had been very much
concerned with China's fate under the pressure of foreign invasion. He
identified the problems of China first in terms of military defense,
then of national politics, of culture, and, in the end, of social
structure. Ch'en's patriotism implicates more than the idea of saving
the nation. His argument that the nation is worth loving only when it
aims to protect and foster the welfare of the people, at times created
tensions in his mind and led to controversies over his positions.
This essay, in
particular, illuminates Ch'en's roundabout route to Communism by
explicating his ideas of history and of the individual, two crucial
concerns of modern Chinese intellectuals. In the period of 1897-1921,
Ch'en had adopted an evolutionary view of history and moved from finding
models and lessons in Chinese history to attacking Chinese tradition
with little reservation. In
addition he accepted the idea that human society evolved via the stages
of feudalism, capitalism and socialism. Historical evolution, however,
meant for him more the increase of social justice and the welfare of the
people than the iron law of social development. He took the Russian
Revolution as a proof that socialism was possible without the full
blossom of capitalism.
Among
all kinds of socialism, Ch'en viewed Communism as the most effective
means of bringing the ideal society into existence. Ever since his early
years, Ch'en had upheld the individual's right to freedom and
self-determination. He had also tried to implement changes by appealing
to the individual's consciousness and self-cultivation. After the Paris
Conference of 1919 and entailing political developments in China, Ch'en
was convinced of the need to fight both the warlords and imperialism
with force rather than with persuasion. He, furthermore, found in
Communism as well as in the Russian revolution the more satisfactory
explanation and practical model of what was to be done. Ch'en began to
create a political party in the image of the Bolsheviks. He also started
to argue for the priority of changing social and economic institutions.
Debating with the anarchists over the nature of the party, Ch'en
insisted on the individual's submission to the party, which, in his
view, would transform one's negligible personal strength into an
organized power to revolutionize the status quo. This shift of emphasis
from the individual to organization, indeed, embodied a significant
change from the New Culture Movement to the Communist Movement in modern
China.
Key
words: Ch'en Tu-hsiu
patriotism evolutionary
view of history
the New Culture Movement
Communism in China
王弼「性其情」的人性遠近論
周
大
興
提
要
何晏的聖人無情論與王弼的聖人有情無累說，是魏晉玄學中的有名論辯，也牽涉如何理解玄學人性論的重要課題。本文從王弼主張聖人之情應物而無累的說法出發，參照其《論語釋疑》中的「性其情」的注文，重新檢討王弼人性論的傳統理解，嘗試提出一個嶄新的詮釋。
作者認為，王弼的人性論以孔子「性相近，習相遠」的主張為基礎，合理解釋了人人稟賦的形上自然的相「近」本性，以及與後天造就的氣質才性差異的遠近關係。依照王弼「性其情」說的理解，孔子「性相近，習相遠」的意思包含三義︰一為人之先天本性相近而未遠，次為後天的情近性與情遠性，以及二者的遠近關係。最後，作者針對王弼玄學的「性其情」與宋明理學的「性其情」予以比較，以顯示理學家對於玄學觀念思惟的吸收與消化，從中可以看出玄學與理學的義理傳承，也可以透顯二者核心思想的差異。
Wang Pi’s Discourse on the Proximity of
Human Nature in “Naturalization
of Feeling”
CHOW
Ta-hsing
Ho Yen's theory that the sage has no affections, as well as Wang
Pi's argument that the sage has affections but is not affected by them,
are famous topics in the Wei-Chin hsuan-hsueh. They have an
important bearing on how we should understand hsuan-hsueh's
theory of human nature. This essay begins with Wang Pi's position that
the sage's feelings respond to all things but do not depend on them. By
looking at his commentary for Lun-yü shi-yi (Explication of
the Analects), where he writes “naturalize the feelings,” we
can investigate anew the traditional understanding of Wang Pi's theory
of human nature, and attempt to present a new interpretation.
The author believes that Wang Pi's theory of human nature was
based on Confucius' assertion that “By nature people are closely
similar, but through learning they become dissimilar.” This metaphor
of proximity here was a reasonable explanation of how, a priori,
everybody received more or less the same original nature but a
posteriori moved further apart according to the disposition of what they
experienced and accomplished. According to Wang Pi's position of
“naturalizing the feelings,” Confucius implied three things by the
statement in the Analects. First, the basics of human nature
before experience are mutually close rather than mutually distant.
Second, with experience comes the difference between all feelings which
are close to this nature and those which depart from nature. Finally,
there are relations of proximity between the two.
In conclusion, the author aims to compare Wang Pi's hsuan-hsueh
(Neo-Taoism), and its position of “naturalizing the feelings,” with
Sung-Ming Neo-Confucian version of this position. In this way it becomes
clear how Neo-Confucianists took over and assimilated the conceptual
thought of Neo-Taoism, and we can see the theoretic heritage of
Neo-Taoism and Neo-Confucianism, while envisioning the differences in
the core of their thinking.
Key
words: Wang Pi
nature and feeling
theory of human nature
Neo-Taoism Neo-Confucianism
非《傳習錄》︰馮柯《求是編》析評
林
月
惠
提
要
王陽明的《傳習錄》，最能彰顯其哲學思想的義蘊與特色。故在王學的傳播中，《傳習錄》是王門的「經典」，頗受矚目。即使是明代朱學學者，都不得不加以正視。
就在明中葉王學盛行之際，朱學學者馮柯（1523-1601）即對《傳習錄》作出回應，撰寫《求是編》一書。雖然從歷史溯源與著作形式上來看，《求是編》似乎是第一本《傳習錄》評本。但本文卻從《求是編》的內容著眼，旨在分析馮柯辯駁陽明《傳習錄》的主要義理論點，探討其論點是否持平？其論證是否嚴謹？故本文除說明馮柯撰寫《求是編》的用意外，分別從以下的論題︰（一）朱陸是非、（二）《朱子晚年定論》、（三）心即理、（四）良知與知行、（五）格物、致知與誠意，先客觀地分析馮柯辯駁《傳習錄》的諸論點與論證過程。其次，再以陽明的哲學思想為主要判準，對馮柯的論點與論證加以衡定，指出︰（一）朱陸是非不是儒釋之辨、（二）《朱子晚年定論》不是朱子晚年悔悟問題、（三）「心與理一」不等同於「心即理」、（四）「良知」與「知行合一」自有殊勝義、（五）格物、致知、誠意實為一事。
透過縝密的義理分析與衡定後，筆者發現馮柯對陽明思想的詮釋，誤解多於理解，全然不相應。因此，筆者斷言︰馮柯《求是編》不應是第一本《傳習錄》評本，而是第一本「非」（否定）《傳習錄》之作。筆者也希望在此義理分析的基礎上，把《求是編》視為朱、王哲學相對立與激盪的一個實例，進一步思考明代朱學所面臨的理論困境與王學可能潛伏的危機。
Against Ch'uan-hsi-lu: A Critique
of
Feng K’e’s Ch'iu-shih-pien
LIN Yue-hui
Wang Yang-ming's Ch'iu-shih-pien
is a work which best shows the richness and uniqueness of his
philosophical thought. For this reason, in the heritage passed on to
Wang's students, Ch'uan-hsi-lu was a classic which received a lot
of attention. Even the followers of Chu Hsi in the Ming period had to
take it seriously.
In the middle of the Ming, when Wang's influence was greatest,
Feng K'e (1523-1601), of the Chu Hsi school, offered Ch'iu-shih-pien,
written as a response to Ch'uan-hsi-lu. A historical
retrospective or form analysis might indicate that Ch'iu-shih-pien
seems to have been the first critical treatment of Ch'uan-hsi-lu.
However, the aim of the present essay is to look at the work's content,
in order to ask whether, when Feng K'e rebutted the major philosophical
ideas of Yang-ming's Ch'uan-hsi-lu, he was able to maintain a
fair dialogue, and was able to adduce stringent justification for his
ideas. Therefore, besides explaining the basic ideas Feng K'e brought to
the writing of Ch'iu-shih-pien, the present work pursues an
examination of the following topics:
(1) Who was right and wrong in the dispute between Chu Hsi and Lu
Hsiang-shan;
(2) Chu-tzu wan-nien ting-lun (The definitive views
from Chu Hsi's later years);
(3) The Heart/Mind (hsin) is Principle (li);
(4) Conscience (liang-chih) as well as Knowledge and
Action;
(5) Examining Things (ke-wu), Extending Knowledge and
Sincerity.
First, we objectively analyze the various arguments and
justifications Feng K'e adduced in the course of rebuttal of Ch'uan-hsi-lu.
Then, using Yang-ming's philosophical thought as the major standard of
judgement, we assess Feng K'e's arguments and justifications, pointing
out:
(1)
The question of who was right and wrong in the dispute between Chu His
and Lu Hsiang-shan is not the same question as the debate between
Confucianism and Buddhism;
(2)
Chu-tzu wan-nien ting-lun (The definitive views from Chu Hsi's
later years) does not involve the question of whether Chu Hsi came to
regret his errors in his later years;
(3)
“The heart/mind (hsin) is one with principle (li)” is
not the same as “The heart/mind is principle”;
(4)
Conscience and “The unity of knowledge and action” are different
domains, each with their own particular significances;
(5)
Examining things, extending knowledge and sincerity are in fact all the
same set of affairs.
Through detailed philosophical analysis and assessment, the
author discovers that Feng K'e's interpretation of Yang-ming's thought
contains more error than it does understanding; there seems to be no
interaction between the two men's views. For this reason, the author
concludes that: Feng K'e's Ch'iu-shih-pien should not be
considered as the first book to treat Ch'uan-hsi-lu critically;
rather it is the first “Anti- Ch'uan-hsi-lu” work, a work to
negate Ch'uan-hsi-lu. The author also hopes that on the basis of
this philosophical analysis, Ch'iu-shih-pien can be seen as an
exhibit demonstrating the opposition and jostling of the Chu and Wang
schools of philosophy; from here, we hope to further consider the
theoretical difficulties encountered by Chu's thought in the Ming
Dynasty, and the potential crisis of Wang's school.
Key
words: Ch'iu-shih-pien Ch'uan-hsi-lu Wang Yang-ming
Feng K'e Chu
Hsi conscience
中國歷史上哲學範疇「和」的形成
郭
齊
提
要
中國古代哲學範疇「和」的形成，經歷了一個漫長的過程。在甲骨文、金文中，「和」字已經屢見不鮮。它的本義是「人或動物互相跟著發聲」，即應和。由指聲音的彼此呼應引申為指聲音的和諧，又進一步引申為泛指一般事物的和諧，從而形成了「和」的中心義。圍繞「和諧」這一中心，「和」輻射出種種引申義，廣泛運用於人、事、物、自然、社會等各個領域。其中，用指陰、陽二者關係的「和」，超越了個別具體的對象，表現出更為抽象、普遍、一般的性質，具有較為明顯的哲學意味。至春秋時期，經晏子、史伯等思想家的概括發揮，「和」終於成為與「同」相對的重要哲學範疇。
The Formation of the Philosophical
Category
of “He” (Harmony) in Chinese
History
GUO
Qi
The establishment of the philosophical category of “he”
(“harmony”) was a long process in Chinese history. Already, in the
Shang Dynasty inscriptions on bones or tortoise shells, the word “he”
was regularly used. Its original meaning then was that humans or animals
called out to each other, producing sounds together. Thus one sound
echoed another. From this beginning, the meaning of “he”
gradually changed to mean the harmoniousness of the sounds. Further, it
could mean harmonious relations between things in general. In this way,
the central meaning of “he” came into being. Around this
central meaning of “harmony,” “he” took on many kinds of
extended meanings having to do with humans, situations, objects, nature,
society, and so forth. Among these, the idea of “he” between Yin
and Yang transcended any specific, concrete objects. It seemed to
be more abstract, universal, and general, and thus had a more obvious
philosophical significance. By the Spring and Autumn Period, by means of
summarization and intellectual development by such thinkers as Yen-tzu
and Shih Po, “he” finally became the important philosophical
category opposite to “t'ung” (sameness).
Key
words: philosophical category formation
he (harmony)
海德格的共屬(Zusammengehören)與天台宗的「即」
—試論詭譎之說法
黃
文
宏
摘
要
本文旨在比較海德格哲學與天台哲學。在海德格哲學中，「共屬」表達人與存有之關係；在天台哲學中，「即」則用以連接兩造內在矛盾的語詞，以表達一種弔詭的情境。本文試圖透過「共屬」與「即」的對比研究，顯示兩門哲學在本質上的相似性，並嘗試澄清其詭譎的表達形式。
在行文上，本文包括兩個部分。於第一部分，我們比較共屬的相互轉讓與「即」的詭譎形式。為了理解此一詭譎的形式，海德格要求我們跳離傳統的形上學思維，「退回」根源的思維。在文章的第二部分，本文將試圖澄清海德格「退回」之意義，並將其對比於天台宗之「不斷斷」。
Heidegger’s “Belonging Together”
(Zusammengehören) and
T’ien-t’ai’s
“Chi”: A Comparative Approach
to
Their Paradoxical Forms of Articulation
HUANG
Wen-hong
In this article, I try to compare Heidegger's philosophy with
T'ien-t'ai Buddhism. In Heidegger's philosophy, the concept of
“belonging together” is used to thematize the relation
between human being and Being. In T'ien-t'ai
philosophy, the concept of “chi”
is used to connect two internally contradictory terms to express a
paradoxical situation. Through a comparative study of these two
concepts, I attempt to show some essential similarities between these
two philosophies, and to clarify their paradoxical forms of
articulation.
This paper includes two parts. Part one deals with a comparative
study of the mutual reciprocity of
“belonging together” and the paradoxical form of
“chi.” In order to understand this paradoxical form of
articulation, Heidegger urges us to
“step back” (Schritt zurück) from traditional
metaphysics and go into the origin of metaphysics. Then I will try, in
part two, to clarify the meaning of this concept of
“stepping back” and to compare it with the concept of
“pu-tuan-tuan” of T'ien-t'ai Buddhism.
Key
words: belonging together (Zusammengehören)
chi Heidegger
T'ien-t'ai Buddhism
ontological difference
明中葉羅欽順之禪學批評的時代意義
鄧
克
銘
提
要
羅欽順為明中葉著名之程朱學者，在其名著《困知記》裡批評禪學，並視陸象山、陳白沙、王陽明諸人之學為禪學。其所稱禪學，約指禪宗之思惟方式，羅氏對禪學之心性觀的批評，實際上亦包括陸象山等人在內。在一定程度內，反映了儒學內部心性論之歧異。羅氏確信程朱之心性論最符合孔孟之道，堅持心之靈覺作用不能視同客觀存在之性理。
儒釋之辨為宋明儒學之主要課題，羅欽順嚴厲批評禪學之目的，在於確保儒學之純粹性，尤其在心性論方面。其視陸、陳、王諸人學說為禪學，蓋已認其非屬儒學正統。
羅欽順對禪學的批評是否客觀正確，容可再酌。惟在明代中葉程朱理學面臨陳、王等人心學之流行時，羅欽順之禪學批評，深刻地凸顯出程朱性理觀的特殊涵義。從程朱理學或儒學思想之歷史發展以觀，亦有不可忽視的時代意義。
The Significance of Lo Ch’in-shun’s
Criticism of Ch'an at the Middle of
the Ming Dynasty
DENG Keh-Ming
Lo Ch'in-shun, who inherited from Chu Hsi his theory of human
nature, was a prominent scholar at the middle of the Ming Dynasty. In
his well-known book, Knowledge Painfully Acquired, he criticized Ch'an
and regarded the theories of Lu Hsiang-shan, Ch'en Pai-sha and Wang
Yang-ming as Ch'an. In Lo's book, “Ch'an” was usually
used to indicate a way of thinking. As a result, Lo's criticism of Ch'an,
in fact, included Lu, Ch'en and Wang. To some extent, Lo's criticism on Ch'an's
theory of mind reflected the different ways of understanding mind in
Confucianism at that time. Lo believed that the Ch'eng-Chu theory of
human nature completely corresponded to the teachings of Confucius and
Mencius, and insisted that the sensible function of mind should not be
considered as its substance. The reason Lo criticized Ch'an so
sharply was that he hoped to ensure the purity of Confucianism,
especially with respect to the theory of human nature. As a result, as
indicated above, Lu, Ch'en and Wang were not regarded as legitimate
Confucians. In short, though the validity of Lo's criticism perhaps
still remained questionable, yet at the time when Ch'en's and Wang's
thought prevailed, his achievement showed the special significance of
the Ch'eng-Chu theory. From the historical point of view, Lo's criticism
of Ch'an also played an important role at the middle of the Ming
Dynasty.
Key
words: Lo Ch'in-shun
Ch'eng-Chu theory
of human nature
Ch'an Lu
Hsiang-shan Wang Yang-ming
從《四庫全書總目》對明代經學的評價
析論其評價內涵的意義
楊
晉
龍
提
要
本文旨在探討《四庫全書總目》評價經學根據的內涵意義。資料除《四庫全書總目》的文本外，又結合〈論《四庫全書總目》對明代詩經學的評價〉一文所得為基礎，再進一步分析，而獲得最後之結論。
《四庫全書總目》評價經學的依據，根據前述資料之分析所得為︰一、時間之先後；二、考證之良窳；三、國運之盛衰；四、科舉之內容；五、帝王之態度等。以此五點共同來論斷經學發展和盛衰的情況。其結論則漢代經說近聖人之時代，故較為可信；考證越詳明，越能得經書之義理；國家初興之盛與滅亡之衰，在無形中影響經學之盛衰；明代科舉僅考「經義」，又拘守《五經大全》之說，對經學研究造成不良的影響；清代諸帝表章經學，因而促進清代經學的發展。再則清代不但居於「衰極而盛生」的時代，且儒者多注重考證稽古之事，故為歷代經學之盛；明代則帝王不重經學、國運不盛、科舉內容訛誤、離聖人時代太遠、又考證不興，故為歷代經學之極弊。
《四庫全書總目》固然以考證為「本」，但也強調義理為「佐」；故謂其較重考證則可，詬其僅重考證而摒棄義理則謬。本文以實證的工夫，分析實際的資料，所得結果，相信對「四庫學」、「乾嘉學術」、「經學史」等的研究，當有實質的助益焉。
The Value of Ming Ching-hsueh as
Seen
from the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu
tsung-mu
YANG Chin-lung
The purpose of this
essay is to investigate the significance of the grounds used to assess
the value of the study of classical texts (ching-hsueh),
according to the criteria contained in the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu
tsung-mu. Other than the material in the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu
tsung-mu, this essay also makes use of an article entitled, “On
the value of Ming period ching-hsueh as seen from the Ssu-k'u
ch'üan-shu tsung-mu”; it furthers the analysis and
conclusions of that article.
The criteria which influence the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu
tsung-mu in its assessment of the value of various classical
research, on the basis of the material just mentioned, can be stated to
include the following: (1) chronological priority; (2) the quality of
the philology; (3) the state of the nation; (4) the contents of the
national examination; (5) the attitude of the Emperor, and so
forth. These five criteria were used together, to determine the
condition of the development and vigor of classical research. The
respective results were: since Han period classical research was closer
to the time of the sages, it was more reliable. The higher quality
philology could achieve, the better the research was able to accede to
the philosophical meaning of the text. The special periods of vigor at
the beginning of a dynasty, and of decline at its end, had an intangible
effect on the quality of the classical studies at that time. Ming
Dynasty national examinations were aimed at testing knowledge of the
significance of the classical texts, and were limited to the
explications of the Wu-ching ta-ch'üan commentaries; this
fact had a deleterious effect on classical studies. The Emperors of the
Ch'ing Dynasty promoted classical studies, and thus assisted the
development of Ch'ing Dynasty classical research. Too, the general
feeling of Ch'ing times was that, having weathered the worst kind of
decline, they were once again in florescence; moreover, Confucians of
the time mostly focused on philological exegesis. They were at the
zenith of classical studies. On the other hand, in the Ming Dynasty the
emperors did not value such research, the fortunes of the nation were
ebbing, the examination system was full of distortions and errors, the
times were too far removed from the era of the sages, and philology was
moribund. This was the nadir of classical studies.
The Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu tsung-mu certain is based on
philology, but it also finds auxiliary support in philosophical
considerations. Therefore, it is acceptable to say that it favors
philology, but it is ridiculous to accuse it of exclusively emphasizing
philology and thus discarding philosophical thought. This essay is based
on positive work, analyzing actual evidence, thus assuredly it should
offer real assistance in the research on the Ssu-k'u repository, the
scholarship of the Ch'ien-lung period, and the history of textual
scholarship.
Key
words: Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu tsung-mu Ssu-k'u
scholarship
Ch'ien-lung period scholarship
history of textual scholarship
韋昭《國語解》用禮書研究
樊
善
標
提
要
本文通過分析三國時吳人韋昭《國語解》一書使用禮書的情況，考察漢晉之間注釋之學的一個現象。《國語解》所用的禮書以《三禮》為主，本文蒐集有關注解，分析韋昭運用禮書材料的方式及所達到的作用，藉以探討以下三個問題︰一、韋昭以禮注釋《國語》的原因；二、韋昭禮學和鄭玄禮學的關係；三、韋昭的禮學造詣及取向。
東漢末鄭玄以禮為綱，遍注群經，對韋昭有深刻的影響。韋昭又認為《國語》的價值與經相等，因而在注中多方突顯《國語》與經籍的關係，以禮書印證原文，正是一法。但從韋昭引用的禮書內容及徵引目的看來，他對這些材料的利用，已和傳統經師有所不同，而接近後世的史學家。
A Study of the Quotations from the
Classics of Ritual in Wei Chao’s
Commentary on Kuo-yü
FAN Sin-piu
Li, commonly translated as “rites,” is the collective
name of various social rules and regulations. Many quotations from books
about ritual, mainly from the Three Classics of Ritual, are found in Wei
Chao's Commentary on Kuo-yü. This paper, in analyzing these
quotations, tries to answer the following questions: “What is the
reason for Wei's use of Classics of Ritual to interpret Kuo-yü?”
“How is Wei's interpretations of ritual related to those of Cheng
Hsuan?” “What academic features can be found in Wei's
interpretations of ritual?”
As a predecessor, Cheng Hsuan's annotation of the Classics with
reference to the Three Classics of Ritual had great influence on Wei
Chao. As well, Wei believed the Kuo-yü to be of equal
importance to the Classics, and his work often tried to bring out the
relations between these two. This implied that the various texts were in
agreement with each other in various aspects. Whenever incoherencies
arose, Wei used numerous quotations from the Classics in explaining the
text of Kuo-yü. However, close analysis of these quotations
shows that Wei was thereby departing from the tradition of interpreting
the Classics, and was approaching the common practice of historians of
later times.
Key
words: Kuo-yü
commentary on Kuo-yü
li (rites)
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