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也談「北劇」的
名稱、淵源、形成
和流播
曾 永 義
提 要
北曲雜劇共有十種名稱。「樂府」、「傳奇」、「北曲」、「元曲」或借用古語或從其片面性格而言，故後來不用以指稱北雜劇。另外六種名稱則可看出北曲雜劇演進的歷程︰「北院本」之院本見其小戲階段的雛型；「院么」或「么院本」見其進入大戲之過渡︰「么末」見其完成為大戲的俗稱；「雜劇」見其完成為大戲並取宋金雜劇之地位而代之的專稱；「北劇」則見其與「南戲」對立之情況。
北曲雜劇淵源於金院本，而金院本又與宋雜劇不殊。因宋雜劇流入民間，其演員不再是宮廷優人、改由民間的「行院人家」，故易名為「院本」。院本快速注入民間鮮活生命力，發展出以市井口語為名稱的新劇種，有「院么」與「么末」兩種。
「院么」可見改副淨主演之滑稽詼諧為末色主唱之北曲套數，但以宋金雜劇院本「通名兩段」之成規推之，其北曲當有兩段，分演劇目相近的不同故事；院本名目中另有「院爨」，是行院演出的爨體，具有踏爨、趨搶嘴臉之表演特色。由於院么體質變化較大，從中衍生為「么末」、「朗末」、「撇末」、「撇朗末」等異名同實的劇體，明白宣稱以「末色」為主演，並將宋金雜劇院本各自獨立的四個段落，結為起承轉合故事情節連貫一體的新體製，只是演出時仍舊一段一段分開，中間夾入音樂歌舞或雜技，保持原來各自獨立的方式。
「么末」成立的年代應當在宋寧宗嘉定九年、金宣宗貞祐二年（1214）金遷都於南京（汴京），宋金「雜劇」改稱為「院本」，又進而有「院么」之後；所以其成立之地亦應當是當今之開封、洛陽、鄭州一帶，也因此北曲雜劇便以《中原音韻》為正聲。至於由市井口語之「么末」轉而取「雜劇」而代之，則應當在元世祖至元（1271）改國號為「元」之後，十六年（1276）滅宋之前。
小戲可以多源並起，大戲只能一源多派，因此「么末」或「雜劇」由中原流播各地必因方言腔調之不同而分派為各腔調劇種。北曲雜劇發祥地在中州（開封、洛陽、鄭州一帶的河南），故唱北曲宗中州調為佳；北曲發達後以大都為中心，故以小冀州調按拍傳絃最妙；又流播至湖北，故有「黃州調」之腔調劇種；元末明初北曲音樂變革而產生「絃索調」；南曲崑山水磨調獨霸劇場後，也用來唱北曲，謂之「北曲南調」。又考察劇作家籍貫分布情況，元代前期在北方，後期在南方，亦可見北劇創作與流播的區域性。再由考古文物觀察，大都、真定、東平、平陽，正是北劇至元間大盛之時的四個流播地域。
A Discussion of the Names, Origin,
Formation and
Propagation of
"Pei-chu"
TSENG Yong-yih
There are more than ten names for pei-ch'utsa-chu.
The names "yueh-fu," "ch'uan-ch'i," "pei-ch'u,"
and "Yuan-ch'u" were perhaps derived from ancient language, or
perhaps referred to one characteristic of the drama among others; therefore,
these names ceased to be used to refer to northern tsa-chu later.
From the six other names, one can follow the trajectory of the development
of pei-ch'u tsa-chu: the "yuan-pen" in "pei yuan-pen"
shows a concise example from its period as skits or incidental theater. "Yuan-yao"
or "yao-mo yuan-pen" shows it as it entered a transitional phase of
major theater. "Yao-mo" shows it as it was named as a
fully-realized form of major theater. "Tsa-chu" shows it as a fully
realized major theater and also as the tradition which had taken over the
position of Sung and Chin tsa-chu and had replaced it. Then "pei-chu"
shows it in its form of opposition to "nan-hsi."
Pei-ch'u tsa-chu originated in Chin yuan-pen; Chin
yuan-pen
in turn is not far removed from Sung tsa-chu. Because Sung
tsa-chu
entered the folk tradition, its actors were no longer from the palace; they
became professional performing folk. This was the reason that the name was
changed to "yuan-pen."
Yuan-pen rapidly penetrated to the very life-energy of the people;
it developed into a new form of drama taking its names from urban speech.
There were two varieties, "yuan-yao" or "yao-mo."
With "yuan-yao," we see that the leading role of the second
ching, as the clown and jester, is changed into the role of mo as the
leading singer, in the arrangement of pei-ch'u. However, judging
from the way that Sung and Chin tsa-chu yuan-pen is set up as "two
parts under the same name," pei-ch'u
should have been presented in two parts, as two different stories which
shared similar dramatic plots and themes. Other names for yuan-pen
include "yuan-ts'uan," which is a kind of act performed by the
professional actors. This included steps and odd facial expressions as
features of the performance. Because there are greater changes in the
make-up of yuan-mo, it gave rise to such differently named styles
as "yao-mo," "lang-mo," "p'ieh-mo," and "p'ieh-lang-mo,"
which were in fact all similar dramatic forms. Clearly, these forms all have
the role of mo as their major performers. Moreover, they took the four
independent parts which were known from the Sung and Chin yuan-pen,
and combined them into a new form which merged the traditional story lines.
Only, while performing these, they still kept each part separate, one
segment after the other, and in between segments they inserted music, dance,
or special acrobatic or other variety performances; in this way they
maintained the style of keeping each part independent as they always were.
The year when "yao-mo" was established should be 1214, when
Chin moved its capital to Nan-ching (Pian-ching). Sung and Chin "tsa-chu"
changed its name to "yuan-pen" and then "yuan-yao." These
changes must have taken place somewhere near the present K'ai-feng, Lo-yang
and Cheng-chou. For this reason, pei-ch'u tsa-chu can
really be called "the voice of the chung-yuan (
central plains area)" with justification. As far as the change from the name
"yao-mo," which is urban speech, to "tsa-chu" which is the
form it replaced, this should have been after 1271, when Yuan Shih-tsu of
the Yuan Dynasty changed the dynastic name to "Yuan," but before his
sixteenth year (1276), when he destroyed the Sung.
A skit tradition can juxtapose
its sources in a concurrent display, but agreat dramatic tradition can only
have a single origin with many varying sub-traditions. So as the "yao-mo"
or "tsa-chu" spread out of the chung-yuan (central plains) area
into other regions, it necessarily developed into different sub-traditions
by adapting to different dialects and different language styles. They became
various regional dialect sub-traditions. The original home of
pei-ch'u tsa-chu was Chung-chou(K'ai-feng, Lo-yang, and Cheng-chou
in Ho-nan). Therefore, to sing traditional pei-ch'u, it is best to
sing in the ancestral Chung-chou dialect. After pei-ch'u became
well-established as an urban-centered tradition, it was most effective to
sing in the Hsiao chi-chou style, technique and rhythms. When it spread to
Hu-pei, it took on the "Huang-chou style" of theater. At the end of the Yuan
and the beginning of the Ming, Pei-ch'u
music underwent a revolution and produced "Hsien-suo style." With the
predominance of nan-ch'u's K'un-shan shui-mo style, it was transferred to
use in pei-ch'u singing as well, and was called "Southern style
pei-ch'u. " Moreover, in examining the distribution of the place of
origin of various dramatic authors, we find that in the early Yuan they came
from the north, but in the late Yuan they came from the south. From this we
can see the regional character of the creation and propagation of
pei-chu. Again,examining it from the perspective of archaeology, we see
that four important regions in the florescence of pei-chu during
the Yuan period were Ta-tu, Chen-ting, Tung-p'ing, and P'ing-yang areas.
Key words: yuan-pen yuan-ts'uan
yuan-yao yao-mo
lang-mo p'ieh-mo
p'ieh-lang-mo chung-yao-mo
chuang-yao mo-yao
tsa-chu pei-ch'u tsa-chu
pei tsa-chu pei-chu
歷史•虛構•文本性－－明末耶穌會「世說」修辭學初探
李 奭 學
提 要
天主教耶穌會士在明末大舉入華，傳統上認為他們對中國文化的貢獻以科學為主。本文嘗試從文學的角度重探這個運動的文化本質，發現會士引介入華的西方文化實則包括中世紀大盛於歐洲民間的示範故事。尤具意義的是，歐洲修辭學傳統
的軼事型示範故事「克雷亞」早經會士用中文重寫，借為証道之用。「克雷亞」敘寫西方上古的歷史人物，以簡潔明快為其形式特色，語帶諷刺幽默而發人深省，俱可視為《世說新語》某些故事的西洋對應版。有鑑於「世說」體筆記小說昌盛於明清之際，本文姑以名之。本文由歐洲古典修辭學出發，逐一檢視薈萃會士世說的《畸人十篇》（利瑪竇）、《七克》（龐迪我）與《達道紀言》（高一志）等書，以探討「歷史」這個主題在會士世說中文本化的情形，希望由此為史學撰述
歷史•虛構•文本性明末耶穌會「世說」修辭學初探和虛構作品的模糊界線再作說明。耶穌會世說乃史上最早用中文寫成的希臘羅馬人物故事，本文未嘗明言的一個期待是︰讀者在讀後可以把這些故事視同「中國文學」，從而為明末筆記小說再闢一研究領域。
History/Fiction/Textuality:
A Preliminary Look at the RhetoricalNature of the Chreiai
in the Chinese Writings of the Late-Ming Jesuits
LI Sher-shiueh
Traditionally, the missionary work of the late-Ming
Jesuits has been conceived as primarily a scientific movement, with
great contributions on the level of material culture going from Europe
to China. This paper, however, tries to re-examine the movement from a
literary perspective, in the conviction that religious teaching is
rhetorical, and hence literary, in nature. My investigation finds that
what was brought to China by the Jesuits, along with their Christian
faith, included European exemplum, a type of brief narrative generally
employed to illustrate a religious point, which had enjoyed enormous
popularity in the European pulpit. Of even greater significance is that
among the Jesuit sermon exempla written in Chinese, a particular
sub-genre of anecdote in the line of classical rhetoric stands out:
chreia. A concise tale generally focusing on the witty, pointed, and
gnomic sayings of a historical figure in Greco-Roman antiquity, chreia
can be generically taken as the European counterpart to certain stories
in the Shih-shuo hsin-yu. Given that shih-shuo, a generic term derived
from the title of Liu I-ch'ing's masterpiece, had been well-received in
the late Ming and the early Ch'ing, it is used in the present paper to
render chreia. I approach the massive corpus of Jesuit chreia by the
Aphtonian definition of the genre in order to fathom the borderline
between history and fiction and conclude that rhetoric constitutes its
textuality. The major texts under scrutiny in this paper encompass
Matteo Ricci's Chi-jen shih-p'ien, Diego de Pantoja's
Ch'i-k'e, and Alfonso Vagnoni's Ta-tao chi-yen. Since Jesuit
chreiai were the earliest Chinese works about Western figures in the
Greco-Roman world, I suggest in the lines of the present paper that
they, a terra incognito whose study may enrich our
understanding of Ming pi-chi anecdotes, should be taken as part of
"Chinese literature."
Key words: Jesuits chreia
progymnasmata
appropriation
論船山天人之學在
詩學中之展開
蕭 馳
提 要
本文從本體和方法的，縱貫和平行的，邏輯的和類比的兩個方面全面檢討船山天人之學在其詩學中的展開。作者推斷︰船山詩學乃以克服其依存有論建立道德哲學的困境為邏輯推動力，並且是朝向解決天道觀和心性論矛盾邁出的一步。文中提出︰船山詩學的「情景交融理論」，乃其性命之學的二運五實中天人、心物授受往來命題的延伸。而船山詩學話語宇宙的語法，則由其易學抽繹而出︰「情」、「景」間功能性協變的世界，乃與其以乾／坤，陰／陽等符號範疇所描述的宇宙樣態和秩序平行。由此，形上學對其他理論領域所發生的兩方面的功能意義，分別構造了船山情景交融理論的「語義」和「語法 」。二者合而言之以肯認︰人所參贊之道與由此道所開顯之世界，理應歸攝於一道。
Wang
Fu-chih's Poetics as an Unfolding of His Philosophy of Man and Nature
XIAO Chi
This essay is intended to examine how Wang Fu-chih's
poetics expresses the basic concepts of his philosophy of man and
nature. Through ontological and methodological, vertical and horizontal,
logical and analogical considerations, the essay examines Wang Fu-chih's
poetics in an all-round way. The author infers that the creation of
Wang's poetics was logically impelled by the demand to overcome his
intellectual dilemma caused by founding a moral philosophy upon a
metaphysical theory. As a result, his poetics is one step toward the
solution to the contradiction between his ontological theory and
subjectivistic theory. The essay argues that the poetic theory of "the
correlation of affection and scene" for Wang is no less than an
extension of the central theme of his moralmetaphysics－ coming-and-going
between the heavenly ordained and human nature, in the perpetual cosmic
dynamics. On the other hand, the grammar of Wang's discourse of poetics
is derived from his interpretation of The Classic of Changes: the
"functionally covariant world" consisting in affection and scene is
parallel to the cosmic order which he describes semiotically in terms of
yin/yang, ch'ien (the creative)/k'un (the receptive). Thus, the two
basic theoretical functions that a given metaphysical system can provide
for other theoretical fields respectively constitute the "semantics" and
"grammar" of Wang's poetics of "the correlation of affection and scene."
They combine to confirm that Tao in which mankind participates and the
world which evolves out of Tao should be identical to and embraced in
each other.
Key words: theory of the correlation of affection and scene
philosophy of the heaven-ordained and human nature
study of Wang Fu-chih's thought
ontologico-cosmology
interpretation of The Classic of Changes
阿Q之怒：失序的價值重估與自我毒化的自欺
江 日 新
提 要
不管是在文本上或在文學批評上，有關魯迅的阿Q研究，可以說已是汗牛充棟，因此我們似乎很難再有新的論題可以發揮了。不過，由於德國哲學家謝勒（Max
Scheler）有關「憤恨」（Ressentiment）之論述的啟發，作者試著從阿Q「怒」的情緒表現來重新檢視這一可以關聯到情緒現象學、價值哲學的理解和論述進路。
本文分作四個部分，首先是楔子，論旨則是想要指出，人格（實即角色）的塑造以及其情緒表現的現象學規定，實即是人在存在秩序和價值秩序上的相互規定關係。並由此而推論出阿Q的憤怒以及特別是「憤恨」作為價值哲學和哲學人類學之論題的意義。
然由於有關「憤恨」這一概念在中文文獻仍極為生疏，因此作者在第一節中詳細解釋了尼采（Nietzsche）、謝勒的相關論述，從而確立起價值、主體身分、價值失序，以及自我毒化等概念組的關係。
第二節則是依《阿Q正傳》的故事描述，整理出阿Q的憤怒史，並為第三節的「情緒現象學分析」預作一個事實證據的材料鋪排。本文經由這樣的討論，結果是︰相對於文本中這多的憤怒描述，我們可以肯定地說，阿Q的精神勝利法事實上並沒有解決他的憤怒或憤恨，相反地卻使他在一種報復無力感中，一再地藉由自我價值欺矇來自我毒化，終至讓自己更深地墮入價值的顛覆劫難中。
Ah-Q's Anger: The Reappraisal of Disappointment, and the Self-Deception
of Poisoning One's Own Ego
JIANG Ryh-shin
For both textual and literary criticism, research
into Lu Hsun's Ah-Q has already reached its saturation point; therefore
we rarely find any new directions coming from recent topics of
discussion. However, from the stimulus provided from the discussion of
ressentiment from the German philosopher Max Scheler, the present author
has been inspired to renew the examination of Ah-Q's anger as a form of
emotional expression, which involves the understandings and discourses
of the phenomenology of emotions and the philosophy of value.
Key words: ressentiment disorder of value
phenomenology of emotion Selbsttauschung
Lu Hsun (Lu Xun) Friedrich Nietzsche
Max Scheler
荀卿子記餘
龍 宇 純
提 要
本文為劄記性質，大抵運用語文學及校勘學知識，對《荀子》書中疑難字句，提出討論。
Notes
on Hsun Ch'ing-tzu
LUNG Yu-chun
This essay, in the form of annotated remarks,
basically aims to use philological knowledge and redaction criticism to
discuss some difficult words in the Hsun-tzu text.
Key words: Hsun-tzu Hsun Ch'ing-tzu
Sun Ch'ing-tzu
中國古代神話對「元始」、「終極」的
理念和心態
陳 啟 雲
提 要
（西方）存在主義大師亞師培（Karl Jaspers）提出人類文明「轉軸時代」（Axial
Age）論題。他認為古代世界各高等文明，都在西元前八 至二 年間，不約而同地發生了「超越性的突破」轉變。西元前八 至二
年間，正是中國歷史上發生巨變的春秋戰國時代，而戰國時代又是先秦諸子思想發煌的黃金時代。有以為中國思想文化在此「轉軸時代」所經過的「超越性的突破」不夠徹底，保留了濃厚的古代宗教元義模式，所以在「現代文明轉化」中積弱不振。
宗教元義與人文理性在人類歷史文化中，有難解難分的底蘊。中國古代文明的宗教元義在西元前約一一
年殷周易代之際就經歷過近乎「超越性的突破」轉變；等到春秋戰國的亂世和諸子百家思想的興起，已經是第二次「超越性的突破」轉變了。第一次的「超越－突破」總是顯得獨特的；而且「宗教性的轉軸」，在元義上也會比「人文理性的轉化」顯得更透徹。但第二次的「超越突破」，牽涉到理性與歷史之間千絲萬縷的接合連結，卻更為著實，更為複雜，更值得大家去關注分析。
「信仰危機」瀰漫於中國古代關於宇宙元始的觀念和開天闢地」的神話中。最著名的是「盤古」神話。近世學者，由於《五運歷年記》、《三五歷記》、《述異記》等都是年代較晚的書，因而懷疑盤古神話不是中國古代的神話。其實，一種思想的源起、發展，和它寫成文字及記載在留傳下來的文獻之間，可能有很長的時差（lag-time）。神話傳說，最初是口語相傳，距寫成文字時的時差可能更長。因此，盤古神話在漢代以後始見諸文字，不能斷定這神話必然晚出。
一種神話或一組神話，最重要的是它所包含的主題意義（mythical themes and
meanings）和所代表的原始心態（primeval mythopoetic
mentality）。「盤古」的名字可能采自「盤瓠」的傳說，但「盤古神話」的主題意義和文化心態，是先秦所固有。關係最密切的是「渾
」宇宙原始觀（cosmogonic lore）。「盤古」神話、「渾
」理念和《淮南子》「宇宙論」代表的都是︰「最初一切（天、地、萬物、人）大通混冥，後來才分裂剖判」的想法。這是「哲思理念」與「神話－宗教迷思」的聯結。
「盤古」和「渾 」的共同點是「開天闢地者之死」神話的共同主題。其中一個副主題，是他們的「凶德」。這主題和副主題在和「渾
」關係密切的「共工」神話中表現得最為突出。纏擾在上述「開天闢地」神話不同層次之間的是「女媧」神話，而女媧在「人世間」的作為又和《楚辭•天問》中的「塗山氏女」、「女岐」、「閔妃」有關聯。
有「生」才有「死」；先有「存在」才有「破滅」。人們對神的迷信崇拜，是原始宗教信仰的第一「元義」，而元神已死的「悲劇元義」相對而言，是第二「元義」了。對第一元義是很重要的「突破」－「否定」。《天問》則不但對天質疑，對過去一切宇宙觀、古史觀，神話傳說都提出了疑問，而且十分蔑視。這是更進一步的「超越－突破」。
這些神話所蘊含的關於「道」、「天」、「天／人」的基本觀念和心態與先秦諸子的基本觀念和心態是一致的。中國古代神話，由於文字傳世的時代比較晚，在文字上和述義上都可能經過戰國乃至秦漢時代文人學士的影響，因此在主題意義上往往與戰國秦漢時代的哲思文字相接近或契合。但這種「接近－契合」，不是「哲思」受到「迷思」的困牢，不能「超越－突破」，因此停滯在宗教元義階次，反而是「哲思」引領了「神話迷思」同 步地「超越－突破」了宗教元義。
"Primordial Beginnings" and "the
Ultimate" in Ancient Chinese Myths: Religio-Ideological Nexus
in "the Axial Age"
CHEN Chi-yun
Karl Jaspers' idea of an "Axial Age" in ca.800-200
B.C., when major civilizations in the world went through "transcendental
break-through" to renew their vitality till modern times, led to a
number of comparative studies of "Axial Age" cultures. In such
comparative mode, it has been suggested that Chinese culture had
experienced an "incomplete break-through" in comparison with the ancient
Hebrew tradition, and that may account for China's difficulty in
modernizational break-through.
The present study re-examined some major cosmogonic myths (such as
P'an-ku and Hun-tun) and mainstream legends (such as the Sage-King Yu of
the Hsia). From this, it identified some prevalent themes, such as "the
death of cosmos-originators," "cosmos-originations as the result of a
mistake, a misdeed, or an evil impulse," "immorality of the god-man,"
and "radical religio-ideologio-epistemological doubt." These
inter-related themes, which underlay many major mythological types, may
be linked to the radical, multiple, and drastic socio-political and
intellectual-ideological changes in the Spring-and-Autumn and the
Warring States eras (770-220 B.C.), when most of these myths were
written or re-written, and thus were influenced by the agnostic trends
of Warring States "philosophical thinking." But in their pre-textual,
oral origins, as primordial religious impulses or archetypal meanings,
the proto-types of these myths may be traced to some much earlier
traumatic changes such as the violent warfare recorded in the
oracle-bone texts of the Shang dynasty(ca. 14th to 11th centuries B.C.)
and the resultant destruction of the Shang theocracy, antedating and
influencing the so-called "Axial Age break-through."
Thus, the "Axial Age break-through" in China may not be a clear-cut
break "from the mythical to the rational," "from religion to
philosophy,"as postulated by Comtean positivism. But as
"mythic-ideological," "theo-philosophic" breaks, away from the
"antiquarian" onto the "classical," such changes may be more radical and
"transcendental" than the Greek and the Hebrew ones.
Key words: Axial Age comparative mythology cosmogony
Heaven-Man Nexus P'an-ku
Hun-tun Kung-kung Nu-kua
T'ien-wen transcendental break-through
明末清初關於「格物致知」的一些問題－－
以王船山人性史哲學
為核心的宏觀理解
林 安 梧
提 要
本論文旨在經由一宏觀的歷史理解，對於明末清初的思想觀念做一深度的釐清，並重新審視船山學的關鍵性地位，再進一步探察儒學發展的脈動。
首先，筆者審視了思想史上「明清之際」之為「斷裂」或「連續」的問題。再者，筆者連帶引出「道德天理論」、「道德本心論」與「歷史人性論」的三個典型對比。宋、明、清以來的儒學，由超越的形式性原則之重視，一轉而強調內在的主體性原則；一方面再轉而為純粹的意向性原則，另方面則由經驗性的重視轉向歷史性與社會性的重視。這又與純粹的意向性原則的重視之再轉向歷史性與社會性，恰好合軌。
其次，筆者經由船山對於「格物致知」的詮釋來闡明其內在存有學理路的變遷，並豁顯船山學在「明清之際」的獨特性。
Some
Reflections on "Ke-wu Chih-chih" During the Period of the Late Ming
Dynasty to Early Ch'ing Dynasty
LIN An-wu
The purpose of this thesis is to deepen and clarify
the philosophical concepts of the period of the late Ming through the
early Ch'ing Dynasties, by understanding them from a broad historical
overview; as well, this essay aims to re-evaluate the critical
importance of Wang Fu-chih's philosophy, and finally, to examine some
factors in the development of Confucianism.
First, the author examines the problem of "continuity" and
"discontinuity" in the history of Chinese philosophy from the late Ming
to the early Ch'ing Dynasties. Secondly, the author makes comparisons
between three paradigms: "Moral theory based on transcendental
principle"; "Moral theory based on ontological mind"; and "Moral theory
based on human historicity." Confucianism after Sung, Ming, and Ch'ing
Dynasties, has made a turn from an emphasis on the principle of
transcendental formalism to an emphasis on the principle of immanent
subjectivity. It then turned to a principle of pure moral
intentionality, as well as from the emphasis on experience to an
emphasis on historicity and sociability. This also means it turned from
the emphasis on pure moral intentionality to one on historicity and
sociability.
Also, the author points out the evolution within Wang Fu-chih's own
philosophy, focusing on the case of "ke-wu chih-chih"; and shows the
uniqueness of Wang Fu-chih's philosophy during the period of the late
Ming to early Ch'ing Dynasties.
Key words: "ke-wu chih-chih" Wang Fu-chih
late Ming-early Ch'ing socio-historical totality
明儒陳白沙學思探微－－兼釋心學言覺悟
與自然之義
鄭 宗 義
提 要
明儒陳白沙雖是中國歷史上唯一得以從祀孔廟的粵人，但在宋明理學的研究中卻並未獲得足夠的重視。這或許是與白沙那強調實踐自得而不重視思辨著述的學問風格有關。然亦因此使得白沙思想的旨歸和精神難於索解。但黃宗羲在《明儒學案》中說「有明之學，至白沙始入精微」，可見實不容忽視白沙對明代中葉理學思想的轉變的開創之功。本文希望通過辨析白沙思想中的重要觀念如覺悟、虛靜、靜坐、自然等之實義來全面掌握白沙學的面貌。
明儒陳白沙學思探微兼釋心學言覺悟與自然之義並且由之進一步釐清白沙與象山、陽明的思想因緣及對各種評論白沙思想的觀點作一再省察。
An
Inquiry into the Thought of Ming Confucian Ch'en Pai-sha: On the
Concepts "Enlightenment" (Chueh-wu) and "the
Natural" (Tzu-jan) of the School of
Mind-and-Heart (Hsin-hsueh)
CHENG Chung-yi
Although Ming Confucian Ch'en Pai-sha was the only
Cantonese who was enshrined in the Confucian Temple, his thought has not
drawn enough attention from scholars in the field of Sung Ming
Neo-Confucianism. This oversight, perhaps, owes to Chen's special
academic style, that emphasized acquiring insights for oneself (tzu-te)
rather than theorizing the complexities of book-learning. This indeed
made the theme and spirit of his thought more difficult to understand
adequately. However, in The Philosophical Records of Ming Confucianists
(Ming-ju hsueh-an), Huang Tsung-hsi said, "With Ch'en Pai-sha, Ming
learning started to become precise and subtle." So we should not neglect
Ch'en's contribution and the significance of his teachings, as a
forerunner in the transformation of Confucianism in the mid-Ming. This
article aims to get a comprehensive and appropriate understanding of
Ch'en's philosophy by analyzing its major concepts such as chueh-wu
(enlightenment), hsu-ching (vacuity and tranquillity), ching-tso
(quiet-sitting) and tzu-jan (the natural, orspontaneity). Moreover, this
inquiry tries to bring further clarification about the academic
relationships between Ch'en, Lu Hsiang-shan and Wang Yang-ming, as well
as to reexamine various criticisms of Ch'en's thought.
Key words: Ch'en Pai-sha chueh-wu (enlightenment)
hsu-ching (vacuity and tranquillity)
ching-tso (quiet-sitting)
tzu-jan (the natural, or spontaneity)
tzu-te (acquiring insights for oneself)
莊子、重玄與相天－－王船山宗教信仰述論
嚴 壽 澂
提 要
船山論性理，必實之以氣，今人遂有以唯物主義目之者。實大謬不然。明清間儒者，船山可謂為最具宗教信仰之一人，其故正在於重氣。船山之論性與理也，不離乎氣；其論氣也，亦不離乎理與神。船山以為，氣中本含神，理即自神出。氣因清濁之異，可分三等︰最清者，太虛之氣（亦曰太和），全是神，全是理。最濁者凝成形質，其本含之神因失其所以為神。介於其間者，乃常人所謂氣也，上可通太虛，下可入形質；太虛與萬物，藉此以感通。氣者，無始時來，法爾本有，有轉變，無生滅。人之死也，氣返於虛，決非滅盡無餘；畢生所行之清濁善惡，亦與氣俱而流散於兩間。莊子有見乎此，揭其綱要於「能移而相天」；是為合幽明、通生死之極致。相天之方，則在性命雙修，氣化於神，與天合一；此即道家重玄之旨。然為道家之術者，煉精化魄，回執先天氣以歸於己；亦即勿任天地盜己而己盜天，所謂還丹也。而船山之旨，則以此內丹之術養人之善氣，俾身死之後，清醇不改，為吉祥之所翕聚，以大益於天下之生；其終極關懷，仍屬儒家，此之謂以儒用道。船山處鼎革之際，躬與恢復之役，深知事之無可復為，遂遯跡窮山，屏絕外事，不薙髮，不易服，砥礪精思，無時或怠；所守死以篤信者，諸行不滅、神氣長存也。而此信仰，固亦可與佛家唯識宗種子現行彼此熏生之說相印證者
莊子、重玄與相天王船山宗教信仰述論
The
Religious Dimension of Wang Fu-chih's Thought
YAN Shoucheng
Wang Fu-chih (1619-1692) may be regarded as one of
the most religious among Ming-Ch'ing Confucians because of his emphasis
on the shen (spirituality/mentality) character of ch'i. (In his view
ch'i is multi-dimensional and inseparable from shen.) According to him,
there are three states of ch'i: the cosmic ch'i which is original,
purest, and most spiritual; the less pure state of ch'i which circulates
within a thing; and the most thickly condensed ch'i-constitution which
is encumbered and passive and loses the original shen-nature. Ch'i can
neither be created nor destroyed but only transformed. The same is true
of human mental and sensory operations, which are incorporated into
human spiritual ch'i. (This view reminds us of the "seeds" theory of
Yogacara Buddhism, that is, the mutual "perfuming" between "seeds" and
"manifestations.") It is from such a vision that Wang's religiosity
derives. He believes that after death men's spiritual ch'i, together
with the results of their lifelong mental and physical activities,
dissolves into the cosmic ch'i and thereafter goes into transmigration
(but not individually as suggested by Buddhists). Therefore it is the
Confucian gentleman's duty to refine his ch'i incessantly during his
lifetime in order to keep its purity and thereby "assists" Heaven and
Earth after it leaves its body and merges into the cosmic ch'i. In
working on his ch'i the gentleman, Wang holds, inevitably adopts the
Taoist method of inner alchemy.
Key words: Wang Fu-chih religion
spiritual ch'i
Chaung-tzu Twofold Mysteries
"being able toshift" Helper of Heaven
inner alchemy Yogacara (consciousness-only)
姚際恆與顧頡剛
林 慶 彰
提 要
姚際恆（1647-?）為清初最有疑古精神的經學家。顧頡剛（1893-1980）則是民國時期的疑古學大師。兩人相隔兩百多年，所以要一起討論，是因為顧頡剛的疑古精神是受到鄭樵、姚際恆、崔述等人的影響。
本論文主要在論述清代以來姚際恆的事蹟湮沒不彰，再討論顧頡剛如何蒐集整理姚際恆的著作，並探討顧氏對姚氏辨偽書和詮釋《詩經》的評價。最後，從啟導疑古辨偽的精神、啟發孟姜女故事的研究、啟導《詩經》研究的新學風等三方面來論述姚際恆對顧氏的 影響。
Yao
Chi-heng and Ku Chieh-kang
LIN Ching-chang
Yao Chi-heng (1647-?) was one of the classical
scholars of the early Ch'ing who best exemplified the spirit of
"doubting antiquity." Ku Chieh-kang (1893-1980) was a great master of
critical studies of antiquity, during the time of the Republic. These
two men lived more than 200 years apart from one another; nevertheless,
they are discussed together in order to show that Ku Chieh-kang's
suspicions of antiquity were influenced by such people as Cheng Ch'iao,
Yao Chi-heng, Ts'ui Shu, and others.
This essay basically aims to discuss the
accomplishments of Yao Chi-heng,under-appreciated from Ch'ing times
onwards. Moreover, it discusses how Ku Chieh-kang collected and
organized the works of Yao Chi-heng; it further explores Ku's appraisal
of Yao's attributions of unauthentic texts and his exegeses of the
Classic of Poetry. Finally, this essay discusses Yao Chi-heng's and Ku
Chieh-kang's influence, by focusing on the impetus they provided to the
appearance of the critical spirit of the tradition doubters, the
stimulus they gave to research into the Meng Chiang-nu story, and their
creation of a new way of research into the Classic of Poetry.
Key words: Yao Chi-heng Ku Chieh-kang
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