提 要

    對於屈原〈離騷〉的研究，歷來已多注意衣飾的重要性，本篇則從《山海經》等說明「服」、「初服」、「非世俗之所服」的服字用例，就是服飾、服佩的意義。而在各種香草象徵服飾的藝術手法中，廣泛引用文獻及出土文物證明當時楚人的服佩習慣，確有被衣、帶劍、佩珠及戴高冠的君子之服。屈原採用香草服飾隱喻其修習才德，在此提出凡經三變的三階段說︰即初服、成年入仕之服及昇天的巫者之服，分別象徵不同階段的禮儀及祭儀服飾。並從文脈證明「好修」一詞為一篇的綱領，象徵屈原對於美與善的堅持。因此提出「不變」為其主題，用以對照「變」，本研究認為屈原使用香草的變質以隱喻小人的變節，這種諷諭手法對於子蘭、子椒的諷刺，乃與當時楚國王室以香草命名的習慣有關。故綜合相關論證，嘗試從「常與非常」的服飾思維，提出〈離騷〉的服飾中心說。

    Previous study of Ch'u Yuan's "Li-sao" already recognized the significance of attire. This paper takes Shan-hai-ching and other sources as examples to explicate that fu, ch'u-fu and the unworldly fu all refer to men's attire. lt has been proved by historical documents and archaeological artifacts that, among the various artistic techniques of symbolizing men's attire by fragrant grass, the Ch'u people in Ch'u Yuan's time did have the habit of wearing fine apparel, swords, precious stones and high top hats which represented the attire of a gentleman. To explain how Ch'u Yuan employed images of fragrant grass attire as metaphors for self-cultivation, this paper proposes a theory of three stages, or three changes, which are the novice's attire (ch'u-fu), the adult's official attire, and the shaman's attire of ascending to heaven, to symbolize attire for ritual ceremony and memorial ceremony in different stages. The author argues that the term "hao-hsiu" (refined cultivation) is the motif of "Li-sao" which symbolizes Ch'uYuan's insistence on goodness and beauty. As a contrast to "change," "constancy" is indeed the theme of "Li-sao." The fact that  Ch'u Yuan employed the changes of fragrant grass as a metaphor for inferiormen's moral repentance, to satirize Tzu-lan and Tzu-chiao, is related to the tradition of naming of the Ch'u royal family with names of fragrant grass. By way of the "constancy" and "inconstancy" of the attire theory and otherrelated arguments, the author concludes that attire is the core of "Li-sao.

提 要

        本文旨在研究六朝志怪的「詼詭」美學，也就是以劉敬叔的《異苑》為例，初探其如何透過怪異書寫形成諧謔的文學效果。由於志怪中的諧謔暗含著一種遊走於「常」與「非常」邊界的 在對抗態度，具有明顯的目的性與攻擊性，但此一目的性與攻擊性同時也受到類似夢的理智檢查機制所抑制，往往經由各種移位的語言技巧，隱蔽其最深層的譏誚與質疑，使得志怪讀來怪誕中挾帶著幾許嘲謔、嘲諷 又寓含著些許不平、不平後尚能有所洞見，非但讀者不能一時盡覽其意圖，編撰者本身也未必完全意識到其意識，故志怪解讀往往必須從其「已說」和「未說」的縫隙間、能指和所指的分延中，尋繹出其對背離「常」道者的反諷，及其對「常」與「非常」互動與規律的反思。

        筆者以《異苑》中陳郡謝氏家族為本文個案研究的主要線索，從謝氏家族傳奇的締造與鬆動、危機初現、晉宋間的榮寵與誅殺等相關記載，發現《異苑》編撰者劉敬叔習於利用割裂變形的肢體、處境的失當、異質同構、主從易位等錯置失常的景況，預演出一幕幕範疇錯置、分類失常的荒謬劇，並以災異、魂交夢兆和承負等解釋系統，展開對陳郡謝氏家族一貫的冷眼監看與嘲諷批判，在諧謔中宣洩了謝、劉分別代表士族門閥與北府京口集團兩個不同社會階層的對立緊張；另一方面也嚴肅地對高門士族的政治責任、人才晉用、經濟獨佔等問題提出質疑，更對戰爭殺戮展開控訴。

        This essay will explore the aesthetics of grotesque humor in Six Dynasties chronicles of strange occurrences. It draws its examples from Liu Ching-shu's I-yuan. First, it investigates how writing about strange events produces hilarious effects. Because chronicles of the bizarre contain humorous implications which allow the reader playfully to negotiate the boundaries between "the usual" and "the extraordinary," in a way which conceals their potential for resistance, so they are full of obvious purposivity and offensiveness. However, their purposiveness and aggression are at the same time checked and suppressed by a rationality just as occurs in dreams; in any event, there are always many linguistic devices in play to effect the displacement, to mask the deepest levels of derision and suspicion. For this reason, the chronicles of strange things read as having quite a bit of hilarity sandwiched into them, and the satire seems to denote some criticism; however, beyond the feeling of injustice, one can still see clearly and penetrate to the truth that it is not only the reader who cannot fathom this overall intention in a simultaneous intuition, but also the compiler himself has not necessarily become aware of the subconscious  elements of these chronicles. Therefore, the exegesis of chronicles of the odd always must follow traces in the cracks between the "already said" and the "bunsaid," in the difference (differance) of signifier and signified, looking for the counter-irony to the path which is proceeding away from the "usual," as well as the reflection on the mutuality and lawful regulation between the "usual" and the "extraordinary."

         Case study of the Hsieh lineage of Ch'en Prefecture, as chronicled in I-yuan, is the main research basis for the present work. In the materials related to the legends of the Hsieh surname lineage we find build-up and play-out  emergencies arise; we read of the glorious favors and the internecine warfare  between the Chin and the Sung. We can thereby discover that the compiler of the I-yuan, Liu Ching-shu, was used to using cut and deformed limbs, improper positioning, variable substances with similar structures, figure-ground shifts, and other such transfor-mational strategies for constituting the bizarre, in order to play out in advance one scene after another of categorical heterogeneity and inappropriate classification, in a theater of absurdity. Moreover, he used such explanatory systems as disaster and anomaly, visitations, dreams and omens, as well as as  signed moral responsibility, in order to unveil an entire panorama of cooly objective observations and satirical criticism of the  Ch'en Prefecture Hsieh family. In a farcical manner, his information on the Hsiehs and Lius reveals, through these representatives, the opposed tensions between two different strata of society, the wealthy local landlords and the northern military groups of Ching-k'ou. Furthermore, he sternly questions such matters as the political responsibilities, use of personnel, and economic monopolies of the elite landlord families, while at the same time delivering anindicment of the carnage of warfare.

提 要

    本研究探討批語有關的一些問題，發現「脂批」常意見不一，某些「脂批」對小說的了解程度有限而有誤解。以為只存在於「早期稿本」的「淫喪天香樓」故事，由《甲戌本》十三回中幾條特殊的「旁批」，可知很可能是後來人看到該回相關眉批及總評之後才添上，而非舊有。因知所謂「脂批」中問題很多，應是數位意見不同者在不同時期所為，有些可能出現很晚。據之研究《紅樓夢》應先加辨別，免為所誤。

   The cause of death of Ch'in K'o-ch'ing has long been open to arguement in the study of Dream of the Red Chamber. In chapter 13 of the Chia-hsu version, a commentary indicated that the story in the manuscript, of the death of Chin K'o-ching due to adulterous affairs, had been deleted due to a suggestion by Chi-hu-so. This point is generally accepted, but there is still room for doubt. In the present study, from the controversy on the season of death,
questions about the location and the usage of the T'ien-hsiang Building, and the cause of Ch'in's death, it is concluded that there is no such story in the original manuscript of Dream of the Red Chamber. Consequently, the credibility and the meaning of "Chih-p'i" (commentaries by Chih-yen-chai and those with similar viewpoints) should be reconsidered.

   From examination of the commentaries, it has been found that some were inconsistent with one another, and in certain cases the commentators did have misunderstandings about contents of the novel. Moreover, several "side commentaries" about the death of Ch'in K'o-ch'ing in chapter 13 of the Chia-hsuversion were likely later work which followed the statement about the"adulterous affairs" by earlier commentators. This cautions us to pay close attention if we are going to employ "Chih-p'i" to the study of Dream of the Red Chamber.

Key words: Ch'in K'o-ch'ing    Dream of the Red Chamber

提 要

    由於唐詩有強烈的紀實性，唐詩的詮釋，也應以實際的實物觀察來解說。至目前為止，學界對王之渙〈登鸛雀樓〉詩有四派詮釋，可惜都陷於錯誤；一派認為落日在中條山後隱沒；一派認為並非落日，而是午後的白日被中條山隱沒；一派認為白日既非落日，也非被山隱沒，是日光照射到中條山成為極限盡頭；一派認為鸛雀樓西方無山，詩中寫出「白日依山盡」是詩人造境的手法。事實上，前三派的學者從介紹鸛雀樓遺址開始，一直到夕陽方位、中條山名義全都弄錯了。第四種說法，也誤解了唐詩的寫作本質。這些誤解的源頭，都是因為不曾用實證的觀點，回到唐代，以唐人的眼睛看唐人的事物所致。

    本文收集唐代與鸛雀樓相關的詩篇，結合歷史、地理、方志、現代地圖及天文學（astronomy）、大氣科學（atmospheric science）等材料，研判鸛雀樓及其周邊的歷史人文景觀、解讀唐代中條山的名稱意義，指出詩人當年所見黃河的最可能流向、擬測鸛雀樓的主要觀景角度，並重新詮釋了王之渙這首〈登鸛雀樓〉詩。至於本詩作者或稱朱斌，則依《全唐詩》之例兩存其說。

    T'ang poetry is highly realistic. When interpreting T'ang poetry, therefore, one should adopt the empirical approach. So far there are four different interpretations of Wang Chih-huan's "Climbing the Stork Tower" which, howerver, are all false. One of these holds that the sun sets behind Chung-t'iao Mountain. The second interpretation is that, instead of the setting sun, it is the afternoon sun that is hidden by Chung-t'iao Mountain. The third maintains that not only is the sun not a setting sun, but it is not hidden by the mountain either, the mountain merely depicted as the farthest limit of the sunlight. The last opinion is that there being no mountains in the west of the tower, the composition of the line is no more than a creation of vision by the poet. All these interpretaions are wrong. The former three interpretati ons make mistakes at everything, from the location of the Stork Tower, and the position of the setting sun, to the meaning of Chung-t'iao Mountain. The last one misunderstands the substance of the composition of T'ang poetry. The source of misun-derstandings is that they did not adopt an empirical point of view and examine T'ang things from the T'ang point of view.

    This article collects poems, written in the T'ang Dynasty, that are related to the Stork Tower, combining them with materials gathered from historical geography, local history, modern cartography, astronomy and atmospheric science. The purpose is to form a picture of the Stork Tower and its socio-historical landscape, to find out the meaning of Chung-t'iao Mountain, and also to point out the most probable course of the Yellow River and the angle of views from the Tower in those days. The article furthermore provides a re-interpretation of "Climbing the Stork Tower." As to the claim that the author of this poem might be Chu Pin, I follow the Complete Poems of the T'ang Dynasty and accept the possibility.

    There are six sections in the article: (1)Introduction, (2)Two important texts that lead to misconceptions; (3)The geographical position of the Stork Tower; (4)The direction of the setting sun viewed from the Stork Tower; (5)The direction of views from the Stork Tower; and (6)Conclusion.

Key words: poetry    T'ang poetry    empirical point of view

           Wang Chih-huan     the Stork Tower daily sun

提 要

　　本文分為五章，凡十五節。

　　第一章從一篇賦經常又被稱作頌這現象入手，揭示賦的原始精神本在諷諫，惟格於現實壓力，不得不以頌為表。在這樣的歷史脈絡下品鑒〈兩都〉，可謂墮落，因為它在替東漢帝室及其功臣集團定都洛陽這項理、法俱悖的政治現實辯護。

　　第二章指出︰為了頌揚東漢，〈兩都〉放棄以往三代上、下的政論模式，認為東漢德過三代，因而連帶將賦這大漢文章與《詩》那聖賢作品並列。這種厚今薄古的觀點倒非班氏一家之言，非但西漢已然，且可上溯至先秦儒門。在六朝的文學界中，它的勢力仍不容小覷。而文學領域中首揭此說者，當推〈兩都〉。

　　第三章先自〈二京〉的詞句、觀點、涉及的政治立場均無異於〈兩都〉，逼顯出問題所在︰〈二京〉何以會獲得「卓然」的稱譽︰然後再自貶抑西漢、褒讚東漢兩方面，從事具體節目上的比對，以見〈二京〉確有它的特殊處。

　　第四章討論著名文評︰「五經鼓吹」的正確解釋。然後舉證說明︰在班、張心目中，唯有東漢才是文化意義上真正的漢朝，西漢特秦餘耳，因此〈兩都〉、〈二京〉對東漢的褒貶實乃儒、法優劣之爭的改頭換面。這一方面固然引發質疑︰〈兩都〉、〈二京〉對建武、永平之治的稱頌真能按字面接受嗎？還是只應視為達義權取的行事？另方面也迫使我們反省︰今人口口聲聲儒家觀念於兩漢影響廣被，在賦這領域中究竟有無具體跡象可尋。

　　第五章則想探索︰為何時隔四百多年後的《文選》那麼看重這兩篇賦。倒過來問就是︰許多其他類似性質的賦為何見棄？我們認為︰很有可能是《文選》編者尊君頌聖的意識，以及看重作品撰寫時代與作品性質能否相配所致，當然這也就使得我們必須解釋︰集地方都邑賦作大成的〈三都〉何以也入錄。

Remarks on the Significance of"Twin-capitals (Liang-tu兩都)" and "TwoImperial Metropolises

(Erh-ching二京)"

Sherman CHU　　

提 要

    本文之目的在於經由檢視胡適自由主義中所透露出的進化史觀，說明他所主張之進化與自由之意函。文中首先以嚴復的進化史觀為例，找出中國近代進化論述的原型（包括其內容與相關問題），而後再借此原型為對照，看出胡適所考量進化與自由之特色。這一方式使我們得以指出，近代中國自由主義自嚴復以迄於胡適之間，雖然同樣強調進化與自由，卻也呈現出由強調外在之歷史力量，轉至強調個人及其選擇所具有意義之傾向。此外，文中所述胡適之立場，亦顯示出他一方面批評單線演化史觀，另一方面並不曾完全放棄其內容與論述方式，也不曾正視其限制。胡適強調個人的創發性，並駁斥梁漱溟與馬克斯主義者之主張歷史有其既定發展原則的說法。但是，他在說明中國文化與民主之未來等關鍵性議題上，最終只是訴諸外在於個人之歷史力量。他將如何更有效地聯繫民主制度、個人自由和人類歷史的未來這一問題，留給了後人。

Evolution and Liberty in the Liberalism of Hu Shih

YANG Chen-te

提 要

    The debate over unselfishness and modesty was one of the important topicsin the history of hsuan-hsueh in the Wei-Chin period. It had to do with questions of the relations between a natural unselfish way and the virtue of modesty in human ethics. However, very little scholarly attention has been paidto this issue until now. This essay attempts to analyze the debate over unselfishness and modesty of Wang T'an-chih, Yuan Hung, and Han Po. With proper perspective from criticism and reflection on the liberating atmosphere of theperiod, and looking at it in terms of the overall historical development of hsuan-hsueh, we can better see the meaning of the debate. This paper concludes by pointing out that the debate over unselfishness and modesty among Wang T'an-chih, Yuan Hung, and Han Po actually took place against each participant's hsuan-hsueh background. Not only were there great differences between Wang T'an-chih's and Yuan Hung's fixed views about "modesty," as well, Yuan Hung and Wang T'an-chih understood and explained the ideal type of "unselfish" behavior in highly disparate ways. We can say that these men's discussions and their differences over unselfishness, modesty and arrogance were divergencies in hsuan-hsueh itself. The differences between Wang, Yuan and Han were like differences in hsuan-hsueh such as the Lao-tzu school, the Chuang-tzu school, and the traditional concerns for norms.