|
中國文哲研究集刊
第十三期
目 錄
Number 13 September 1998
| The Problem of Authorship of Ts'ai-tzu Mu-tan-t'ing |
HUA
Wei |
| The Artistic Characteristics and Elements of the Ming-Ch'ing Subjective
Lyrical Tsa-chu Drama |
WANG
Ayling |
| An Analytic Discussion of Portraiture Poetry in Northern Sung Colophons |
I
Lo-fen |
| A Discussion of Liu Chi's Poetry |
ZHOU
Qun |
| Hsuan-hsueh and Hsing-shen (form-spirit) Thought |
TAI
Lian-chang |
| Mencius' Distinction between the Kingly Way and the Hegemonic Way
Reexamined |
LEE
Ming-huei |
| The Images of Tall Trees and the Imagery Thinking in Chuang Tzu |
WANG
Zhongling |
| Discussions on the Problem of Evil in the Han-Wei and Six Dynasties |
CHEN
Ning |
|
Value Judgment and Its Significance in the Cases When One is Praised as
Virtuous in Kung-yang chuan |
CHANG
Mei-ying |
《才子牡丹亭》作者考述
──兼及〈笠閣批評舊戲目〉的作者問題
華 瑋
提 要
《才子牡丹亭》,又名《箋注牡丹亭》,是清笠閣漁翁刻湯顯祖名著《牡丹亭》的評注本,批者署名「阿傍」,厥為女性。筆者在將此書批語,與清史震林在《西青散記》中,有關吳震生和程瓊夫婦的記載對勘,找到了有力的證據,足以證實此書刻者「笠閣漁翁」,就是生活於康、雍、乾之際的戲曲家吳震生(1695-1769),而批者「阿傍」,即其妻程瓊;《才子牡丹亭》乃夫婦二人合作而成。書內有關《牡丹亭》的批語部分,主要本於程瓊自批的《繡牡丹》,其中亦雜有吳氏的批釋;而附錄部分,如曾單獨廣為流傳之〈笠閣批評舊戲目〉,則大抵為吳震生一人所作。
《才子牡丹亭》在今日非常罕見。當今之戲曲學者,甚至湯顯祖研究者,均極少論及此書。此書批語,數量龐大,都約三十萬言,內容包羅萬象。批者對《牡丹亭》主旨「情」的闡發,又另闢蹊徑︰除強調才、色與情的關聯,從人心自然需求的心理層面,反對禮教禁殺情欲之外,甚且將各齣曲文和賓白中的許多字辭,特意標出,引為意涵「性事」或男女「二根」。女性批者的聲音,在戲曲評點史上固已罕聞,更難得的是程瓊明言,此批除自娛外,尚為滿足「閨人」的需求而作。因此,本文對於《才子牡丹亭》內容的介紹與作者的考訂,不僅廓清了長期以來,有關「笠閣漁翁」的身分之謎、《繡牡丹》的存佚問題,亦且對湯學、戲曲批評學、清代婦女文學,乃至社會文化學等的研究,皆具拓展的意義。
本文係筆者一系列探討《才子牡丹亭》論文的第一篇,旨在釐清此書之作者問題。內容主要包括三部分︰首先是《才子牡丹亭》的版本及內容介紹,其次是由《西青散記》相關記載,考證《才子牡丹亭》的作者,最後是作者之生平述要。
The Problem of
Authorship of Ts'ai-tzu Mu-tan-t'ing
HUA Wei
This article investigates the problem of authorship of Ts'ai`tzu
Mu-tan-t'ing (also known as Chien-chu Mu-tan-t'ing), an annotated edition of
T'ang Hsien-tzu's Mu-tan-t'ing, or Peony Pavilion, printed by“Li-ke yu-weng”during the
Yung-cheng reign of the Ch'ing dynasty. The annotator was a female alias“Ah-p'ang.” After a careful
cross-examination of Shih Chen-lin's Hsi-ch'ing san-chi and of Ts'ai-tzu
Mu-tan-t'ing, I have found sufficient proofs to conclude that“Li-ke
yu-weng”was none other than the dramatist Wu Chen-sheng
(1695-1769) and that“Ah-p'ang”was
his wife Ch'eng Ch'iung; Ts'ai-tzu Mu-tan-t'ing was co-authored by this couple.
Based on Ch'eng's work Hsiu mu-tan, this book includes commentaries on the Peony
Pavilion by both husband and wife, and appendixes most likely written or compiled by
Wu when he prepared the manuscript for print.
Extremely rare nowadays as it is, Ts'ai-tzu Mu-tan-t'ing
has only been briefly mentioned by very few contemporary drama scholars. It is an
unorthodox and extraordinary commentary on T'ang Hsien-tzu's well-known play. Treating it
as a text on se-ch'ing, or sensual love and desire, the annotators marked all the
glossaries in the text that have sexual connotations, elaborated on his or her views on ts'ai
(talent), se (sensual beauty), and ch'ing (love), and attacked the unnatural
stringency of Neo-Confucian orthodoxy.
This article, being the first in a series of discussions on Ts'ai-tzu
Mu-tan-t'ing, has three main parts: first, an introduction to the editions and
contents of Ts'ai-tzu Mu-tan-t'ing, second, a list of evidence which can help
determine the authorship of this book, and third, an account of the authors' lives.
Key words: Chinese drama criticism Ch'ing women's literature
Ch'eng Ch'iung Wu Chen-sheng T'ang
Hsien-tzu
The Peony Pavilion
明清抒懷寫憤雜劇之藝術特質與成分
王 璦 玲
提 要
明人以雜劇遣懷諷世,始於王九思(1468-1551)《曲江春》,其後徐渭(1521-1593)的《四聲猿》,王衡(1561-1609)的《鬱輪袍》、《真傀儡》,沈自徵(1591-1641)的《漁陽三弄》等,亦皆借劇作以排遣憤世嫉俗之情。逮入清後,則又有尤侗(1618-1704)的《讀離騷》、嵇永仁(1637-1678)的《續離騷》、張韜(1678年在世)的《續四聲猿》、桂馥(1736-1805)的《後四聲猿》等。此類作品特有的劇作審美特質,《盛明雜劇》一書所附數篇序言,蓋已論及。如袁幔亭(1592-1674)云︰「雜劇,詞場之短兵也。或以寄悲憤、寫跅弛,紀妖冶、書忠孝,無窮心事,無窮感觸,借四折為寓言,減之不得,增之不可,作者情之所含,辭之所畫,音之所合,即具大法程焉。」徐翽也說︰「今之所謂北者(按︰此所謂「北」者,指雜劇言),皆牢騷骯髒,不得於時者之所為也。」「牢騷骯髒」四字不唯指作者之憤懣,亦是說此種憤懣之情積在作者胸中,必待去之而後快。總括而言,本文所謂「抒懷寫憤」雜劇,主要是就作品的創作目的與內涵取類,這其中所涵蓋的明清雜劇作家,包括︰康海、王九思、馮惟敏、徐渭、陳與郊、徐復祚、王衡、沈自徵、吳偉業、尤侗、陸世廉、鄭瑜、鄒式金、鄒兌金、王夫之、嵇永仁、廖燕、裘璉、張韜、桂馥等。
在中國戲曲的發展歷程中,此一類特殊的劇作,由於受到作者「自抒胸臆」創作動機的引導,往往成為作家「自我呈現」的載體,形成了具有可稱之為「戲劇抒情化」傾向的抒情短劇。這類劇作以「發憤」為動機,在創作過程中將個人的精神鬱悶投向世情中類同的感慨之中,從而激起創作者與欣賞者所可同有的一種情感激盪,並以此種情感的激盪做為藝術表現的核心。而為了在表現中將欲表達之情集中化、深刻化,以達到特殊的審美效果,劇作家嘗試在戲劇結構的設計中,以「取境」之情感凝結與「借事」之情節壓縮手法,創造所謂「不盡」之境,充分發揮短劇「無盡而有神」、「以無結為結」的特點。此種「短而有神」的審美特質,對於劇作家以「寫心」為創作目的,所謂「稱心而出,如題而止」的表現來說,正是可以凸顯出「寫憤」雜劇深刻主觀化、文人化的色彩。此類劇作之濃厚的「抒情化」傾向,與同時期明清傳奇之高度戲劇化發展,適成相反趨勢。寫憤雜劇作家借他人之事來洩一己之憤懣,乃是借戲劇的形式表現來呈現抒情的內涵,易言之,抒情的表現才是戲劇的焦點 明清抒懷寫憤雜劇之藝術特質與成分。所以在此層意義上,人物與情事之所謂「真」,都只在特定的內涵意義上,戲劇人物的完整性並不真正獨立於此抒情的主旨之外。這與在某些戲劇化充分展現的傳奇中,劇作家之「主體性」與劇中人物之「個體性」能予清楚隔離的狀況,截然不同。此項明清寫憤雜劇與傳奇劇類在藝術特質的表現可以有的各自的「適合」,是在許多「名作」中所以可有不同發展趨勢的根本原因,亦是寫憤雜劇之所以蔚成明清戲曲中一獨特劇類之根源所在。
(本文承行政院國家科學委員會補助,係作者「明清戲曲中主體性與個體性之藝術呈現」(NSC-87-2411-H-001)研究計畫之部分成果,謹此致謝。)
The Artistic
Characteristics and Elements
of the Ming-Ch'ing Subjective Lyrical
Tsa-chu Drama
WANG Ayling
It has been a notable trend for the Ming-Ch'ing tsa-chu
writers to express their self-lament and self-assertion by playwriting since Wang Chiu-szu
(1468-1551) wrote his play Ch'u-chiang-ch'un. Besides the famous Ming dramatists
Hsu Wei (1521-1593), Wang Heng (1561-1609) and Shen Chih-cheng (1591-1641), Ch'ing
playwrights like Yu T'ung (1618-1704), Chi Yung-jen (1637-1678), Chang T'ao (ca. 1678) and
Kuei Fu (1736-1805) all conveyed their laments of frustration and laid claim on high
ideals in their plays. Conducted by the authors' motivation of self-lament and
self-assertion, these special plays became vehicles of self-representation for the
dramatists. While these plays were featured with the authors' self-expression, they
transformed the authors' personal yearning and persistence for self-realization into an
earnest wish for meaningful life which was greatly echoed by the reader or audience. In
order to intensify these feelings to a sensory, effective artistic form, the dramatists
employed the skills of“emotion crystallization”and“plot condensation”in their dramatic design to create a“lingering”poetic state with endless vitality. With the authors' purpose
of self-depiction, the lyrical tsa-chu drama's“shortened
and animated”quality has highlighted its subjectivity with
an intellectual and introspective touch. These plays' strong self-expressive tendency was
evidently opposed to the highly dramatized development of the Ming-Ch'ing ch'uan-ch'i
drama. By integrating their personal awareness of self-existence into the contrived or
historical stories, the tsa-chu authors thus presented subjective lyrical themes
through dramatic forms. In other words, since the authors' self-representation is the
focus of the whole play, the dramatic characters are usually personification of the
author's lyric-self. The Ming-Ch'ing lyrical tsa-chu plays, in this sense, are
entirely different from the highly dramatized ch'uan-ch'i plays in which the
authors' subjectivity is obviously detached from the dramatic characters' individuality.
This difference of introversion and extroversion between Ming-Ch'ing tsa-chu and ch'uan-ch'i
drama explains why the subjective lyrical tsa-chu drama became a special type of
drama-series for self-representation.
Key words: Ming-Ch'ing tsa-chu drama lyricism
subjectivity
ch'uan-ch'i self-representation
autobiographical
dramatic lyrical
北宋題人像畫詩析論
衣 若 芬
提 要
本文以北宋題人像畫詩為討論範圍,旨在分析北宋文人題寫人像畫之創作旨趣及其義涵,依畫作性質與書寫內容釐為三部分︰「自題像」、「題時人像?以睢陽五老圖為例」和「題古人像」。
筆者發現︰北宋文人在題寫個人畫像時,未必著眼於畫家傳神摹擬的功力,而是「我看我,我亦非我」,兩我相映,感嘆吾身本為須臾,畫像亦非金石,興起對畫中自我如真似幻的迷惘。
在題時人像部分,以當時題詠篇什最多的「睢陽五老圖」次韻詩組為例,考察出以杜衍為首的睢陽五老之會宴集的時間大約在一○ 四七至一○五○ 年之間,一○五一年已經有「睢陽五老圖」面世,與五老會相去不遠。題寫「睢陽五老圖」的作者群大多與五老或其後人有交情,五老致仕榮歸,福壽綿延,是作者所崇敬與歆羨之處,也是環繞「睢陽五老圖」的集體思維。
至於題古人像,以詠文學家畫像最多,陶淵明、李白、杜甫是其最愛,畫家善於採取富於象徵意義的圖像元素營造文學氛圍,作者則妙筆生花,將文學氛圍再以文字示現,凝煉畫中人畢生的文學成就,表達對前輩文人的仰慕與追隨。
An Analytic
Discussion of Portraiture
Poetry in Northern Sung Colophons
I Lo-fen
This essay aims to analyze the creative intentions and implied
meanings of literary people in the Northern Sung as they wrote inscriptions on
portraiture. On the basis of the nature of the painting and the content of the writings,
the essay is divided into three parts: inscriptions for portraiture of oneself;
inscriptions for portraiture of contemporaries (taking the case of the Five Elders of
Sui-yang as an example); and inscriptions for portraits of men of antiquity.
The author has discovered that when the literary men of the
Northern Sung wrote inscriptions for portraits of themselves, they did not necessarily
focus on whether painterly skills had succeeded in representing the subject accurately and
thereby conveying his spirit, but rather dealt with it in terms of“looking
at myself, I am not really myself.” When two“I's”reflect upon each other,
the writer sighs about the transience of personal, bodily existence. Painting, too, is not
made of stone or metal but is relatively transient. These sentiments inspire an
imaginative network on the themes of the simultaneous semblance of portrayed individual
existence to reality and to illusion
The part about inscriptions for contemporaries uses for its main
example the “Picture of the Five Elders of Sui-yang,”a group of verses which was used most often in the colophonic
poetry of the time. It can be discovered through investigation that the time of the feast
at which the Five Elders of Sui-yang, headed by Tu Yen, gathered was somewhere between
1047 and 1050. By 1051, there already was a“Picture of the
Five Elders of Sui-yang,”not long after this meeting took
place. The authors of the colophon to this “Picture of the
Five Elders of Sui-yang”probably had personal acquaintance
with these five elders or their descendants. The themes of continuing prosperity and
longevity associated with the five elders resigning their official position and returning
home in glory was what the authors respected and admired. This is the idea that surrounds
the“Picture of the Five Elders of Sui-yang.”
As for writing inscriptions about men of antiquity, most
colophons were written about portraits of literary people; with such favorities as T'ao
Yuan-ming, Li Pai and Tu Fu, the painters were good at extracting graphic elements rich in
symbolic meaning in order to create a literary atmosphere. The authors indulge in language
full of flowery virtuoso, so that the literary atmosphere can be represented in written
language, casting into fixed form the literary achievements of the entire life of the
person portrayed, and expressing veneration and devotion to their literary predecessors.
Key words: Northern Sung portraiture poetry
portraiture
Self-inscribed portraiture of oneself
Picture of the Five Elders of Sui-yang
劉 基 詩 論
周 群
提 要
劉基是朱元璋的重臣,又是明代為數不多的詩文俱佳的作家之一,詩歌與高啟齊名。《覆瓿集》作於元末,主要反映了詩人在干戈搶攘之世憂國憂民的情懷,即便是山水詩作,也與一般詩人筆下的清麗俊爽、天然意趣的風格不同,往往帶有一抹淒清凝重的色彩。後期的作品主要收集在《犁眉公集》之中,以嗟衰嘆老為主。《覆瓿》勝於《犁眉》。後者雖然大多作於仕途多艱、人生失意之時,卻具有濃鬱的浪漫色彩。劉基詩歌有明顯的師古傾向,尤以師習杜甫、韓愈為甚,實開明代三百年復古之風。
A Discussion
of Liu Chi's Poetry
ZHOU Qun
Liu Chi was an important official during Chu Yuan-chang's
time. He also was a famous writer good at both poetry and essays in the Ming Dynasty. His
poems were known to be as good as Kao Ch'i's. He wrote Fu-pu chi at the end of the
Yuan Dynasty. His poetry had some dreary and sad sentiment even when he described
beautiful landscape. The works in his later life were collected in Li-mei Kung chi
which represented his miserable and dreary life in old age. Fu-pu chi was better
than Li-mei Kung chi. Li-mei had a strong romantic color although most of
the poems in it were written in straitened circumstances. Liu Chi's poetry displayed clear
resemblances to Tu Fu's and Han Yu's. Actually, Liu Chi was the pioneer of the Ming
Dynasty doctrine of going back to the ancients, which lasted for 300 years.
Key words: Liu Chi poetry
玄學與形神思想
戴 璉 璋
提 要
所謂形神思想,是指先秦以來從形體與精神兩方面著眼據以討論生命問題的一種思想。依筆者觀察,這種思想發展到魏晉南北朝時代,有一重大轉變。不但在論述領域方面擴大了,而且思維模式也變得有多樣性。筆者從嵇康形神相親的養生論述、慧遠形盡神不滅的佛學論述及顧愷之、宗炳以形寫神的繪畫論述之中,勾勒出其所蘊涵的返無全有、崇本息末及明無因有等這些玄理。並且指出這些玄理使得嵇康等人的形神論述提升了思想的高度,強化了義理的深度;而嵇康等人在形神論述方面的文化實踐,則使玄理得以落實,彰顯出其豐富的意義。
Hsuan-hsueh and
Hsing-shen
(form-spirit) Thought
TAI Lian-chang
The term hsing-shen (form-spirit) thought refers to a kind of
thinking, which began before the Ch'in. As it discusses questions of life, this mode of
thought makes an effort to keep both the physical form and its spiritual aspect as the
focus of discourse. As far as the present author can tell from his studies, this kind of
thought underwent a great change by the time it developed to the Wei-Chin and
Northern-Southern Dynasties. Not only was the domain of discourse extended, but the styles
of thinking also multiplied. This article considers such examples as : Chi K'ang's
doctrine of nourishing life by the mutual intimacy of material form and spirit; Hui Yuan's
Buddhist doctrine of the non-destruction of the spirit when the material form has come to
an end; and the painterly doctrines of Ku K'ai-chih and Tsung Ping on using the physical
form to portray the spirit. In this way, the present author highlights such principles of hsuan-hsueh
as “return to nothing to complete positive existence,”“exalt the root and relieve the branches,”as well as“illuminate the
substance (non-being) with the appearance (beings).”
Moreover, this article points out that such principles of hsuan-hsueh allowed the hsing-shen
discourse of people such as Chi K'ang to bring thought to a higher level, and to
strengthen and deepen the philosophical and ethical teachings of yi-li. The
cultural achievements of the discourse on hsing-shen by people such as Chi K'ang
brought hsuan-hsueh to fruition, and manifested its rich and deep significance.
Key words: hsuan-hsueh hsing shen yu
wu
孟子王霸之辨重探
李 明 輝
提 要
王霸之辨是孟子政治思想的核心之一,在後世引起了不少討論與爭辯。其中一項重要的爭論點是︰王霸之分究竟是同質的還是異質的?本文作者認為︰孟子將王霸之分視為異質的,因為其王霸之辨是其義利之辨在政治領域中的邏輯延伸。孟子的王霸之辨代表一種「存心倫理學」的觀點,這種觀點雖強調「善」之異質性,但仍可將功利原則視為衍生的道德原則。因此,作者認為︰在朱子與陳亮辯論漢高祖與唐太宗的歷史地位時,朱子較陳亮更能把握孟子王霸之辨的本義。面對陳亮以道之現實性相質疑,朱子亦提出「與天理暗合」之說,以安頓漢高祖、唐太宗的歷史地位。可惜的是,朱子未能像康德、黑格爾那樣,由此進一步正視人類的私欲對歷史發展的推動力,不但未能盡釋後人之疑,亦使孟子政治思想中的一個重要面向隱而不彰。
Mencius'
Distinction between the Kingly
Way and the Hegemonic Way
Reexamined
LEE Ming-huei
The distinction between the “kingly way” (wang tao)
and the “hegemonic way” (pa tao), a focal point of Mencius' political
philosophy, has incited various discussions and disputes. A major controversy, among
others, involves the following question: whether this distinction is a matter of degree or
a matter of essence. This author proposes the latter, because such a distinction is
logically implicated in Mencius' differentiation between “rightness” (i) and
“profit” (li). Mencius' distinction between the kingly way and the hegemonic
way denotes a viewpoint of “Gesinnungs-ethik,” which, while presupposing the
heterogeneity of the “good,” may involve the principle of utility as a derivative
moral principle. In the debate between Chu Hsi and Ch'en Liang over the historical status
of Han Kao-tsu and T'ang T'ai-tsung, therefore, Chu Hsi better uncovered the connotation
of Mencius' distinction between the kingly way and the hegemonic way. Confronted with
Ch'en Liang's challenge in terms of the historical actuality of “tao,” Chu Hsi
argued that the deeds of Han Kao-tsu and T'ang T'ai-tsung had already embodied the “tao”
in a tacit manner. Nevertheless, unlike Kant and Hegel, Chu Hsi did not move forward to
deal with the issue of human desires as a motive force of history. Chu thus left hidden an
important dimension in Mencius' political philosophy, which has continued to arouse
queries and debates.
Key words: rightness and profit kingly way and hegemonic way
Gesinnungsethik
《莊子》中的大木形象與意象思維
王 鍾 陵
提 要
本文論述《莊子》一書中的意象叢現象,通過〈逍遙遊〉、〈人間世〉、〈山木〉中四個大木形象的分析,說明《莊子》一書深層的意象思維特徵,並由此對人類思維從詩性時代走向散文時代的特點進行了簡要闡述。本文認為只有既看到《莊子》與神話思維和原始意識的聯結,又能將它們之間的區別分辨清楚,並與從詩性時代向散文時代過渡這樣一個大背景聯繫起來,才能對《莊子》一書的思維、表達方式,以及與此相關聯的文風和語言特點有深入的認識。作者將這一思路視為《莊》學研究取得深層次、整體性突破的途徑。
The Images of Tall
Trees and the Imagery
Thinking in Chuang Tzu
WANG Zhongling
This essay discusses the appearance of a cluster of images in Chuang
Tzu. It illustrates, through analysis of the four tall trees in the chapters, “Travelling
About,” “In the World” and “Mountain Trees,” the characteristics of profound
thinking in terms of images, and briefly expounds the pattern of human thinking that
developed from the age of poetry to that of prose. The essay shows that only when we see
the association of Chuang Tzu with mythological thinking and primitive
consciousness, make a clear distinction between them, and associate Chuang Tzu with
such background as the transition from poetry to prose, can we have a profound knowledge
of the way of thinking, the special expressions, the literary style and the
characteristics of language, which are applied in Chuang Tzu. This author regards
the above as a profound and holistic breakthrough in research on Chuang Tzu.
Key words: tall tree image profound thinking the age
of poetry
the age of prose
漢魏六朝思想界對「報施多爽」問題的討論
陳 寧
提 要
人類思想史上,凡是有善人得福、惡人受罰的教義或理論,總會產生此一理論與實際不相符的問題。這問題在西方被稱為「神義論問題」,在中國稱為「報施多爽」。西方漢學界自韋伯(Max
Weber)以後,普遍認為中國傳統幾乎不存在這一問題。本文揭示,「報施多爽」的問題不僅在中國思想史上廣泛地存在,而且是漢魏六朝時的思想家(包括儒、釋、道)所關注的一個大問題。他們對此進行了深入的討論和論辯。本文認為,報施多爽的問題的產生與道德定命論的建立有關,而道德定命論在儒、釋、道三家的理論中都存在, 漢魏六朝思想界對「報施多爽」問題的討論是韋伯所說的「理性化」進程的體現。本文綜合當時思想界對此問題所提出的各類解釋,將其畫分為兩大類,即「維護道德定命論」與「否定道德定命論」。分析論者之間的相互辯難,並指出「報施多爽」問題的爭論在中國思想史中的意義。
Discussions on the
Problem of Evil
in the Han-Wei and Six Dynasties
CHEN Ning
Where there is a doctrine of the morally good to be blessed or
rewarded, there is a conflict between theory and reality, for in reality it is not
necessarily so. This problem, often called “the problem of evil” or of “theodicy”
in Western tradition, is a universal one, but its existence in Chinese tradition has
somehow been neglected by Max Weber and by later Sinologists. This article argues that
this problem was not only present throughout Chinese intellectual history but also widely
discussed among the educated elite particularly in the Han-Wei and Six Dynasties; and that
such a problem, as a corollary of what Weber calls “rationalization,” was generated by
the notion of moral determinism which can be found in Confucianism, Taoism and Chinese
Buddhism. In this article, all solutions to that problem are categorized into two groups,
namely, “moral deterministic answers” and “anti-moral deterministic answers.”
Debate among the elite and the significance of the debate in Chinese intellectual history
are also analyzed in this article.
Key words: rationalization theodicy the problem of
evil
moral determinism
《公羊傳》稱賢事例的價值判斷及其意義
張 美 櫻
提 要
一本文分析《公羊傳》十六則稱賢事例,探究《公羊傳》中「賢」字的意義,得知在《公羊傳》稱賢事例中,稱賢,即稱善。
由善的角度看這十六則事例,何以為善?就讓國事例而言,在居正的原則下,將紛亂的繼承爭端,經由讓國者的自覺,以謙遜之心緩和現實與理想的衝突,使宗法制度能夠運行,以符合禮制,這種善,是返回禮制的善。
從君臣關係看其間之善,則是情與義的融合。君與臣各行其事,各盡其責是原則上的對應關係,所以君臣關係以義合,沒有絕對要求,不過在稱賢事例中,《公羊傳》有時讚許義的堅持,有時肯定基於情感上的偏離,也同時在尊尊與親親有所彌縫,所以是調和的善,這種調和的用意,也在於趨向「禮」。
從經權之說言善,著重的是一國的善果,也是在現實與理想衝突時,所做的暫時性妥協,但以得到絕對的善果為妥協的目的,肯定權變的目的在於返回正道,何謂正?仍是以禮為標準,合禮即正。
在《公羊傳》特別明文稱賢的事例中,事件的背後多有現實與理想的對立衝突,而《公羊傳》的處理方式,並不是在現實與理想之間作唯一的抉擇,而是接受現實的暫時性,而以彌縫的態度將現實儘量的推向理想。如果說接受現實的暫時性是一種妥協,這種妥協有其先決條件,即以「禮」為基礎。
Value Judgment and
Its Significance in the
Cases When One is Praised as Virtuous in
Kung-yang chuan
CHANG Mei-ying
Shan viewed in light of the flexibility principle in the
classics can be highlighted as a good end for the state brought about via such
flexibility. It is a temporary compromise between the ideal and the reality when there are
conflicts. Such compromise is made with a purpose to bring about an absolute good end for
the troubled state. Flexibility is considered acceptable only when it aims at leading the
state back onto the “right path.” What is “right,” then? The criterion is still li,
propriety. Whatever complies with propriety is right.
Among the cases Kung-yang chuan praises as virtuous in a
manifest way, one perceives conflicts between reality and ideal in the events involved.
The way Kung-yang chuan deals with such conflicts does not involve an either-or
choice between reality and ideal. Instead, it accepts temporary appropriateness in reality
and makes up for such compromise by directing the reality toward the ideal. If it is
viewed as a compromise to accept reality as it is temporarily, such compromise shall be
conditioned by the fact that it is based on li, propriety.
Key words: value judgment yielding the throne
flexibility li |