中國文哲研究集刊 第十二期

目 錄

Number 12      March 1998

劉吶鷗一九二七年日記

彭 小 妍

　　由劉吶鷗一九二七年日記中透露的訊息，本文嘗試探討他的家世背景，修訂了學界自嚴家炎的《中國現代小說流派史》（1989）以來的認識。吶鷗的出身、家庭、教育、交往，以及他在中、日各大城市中游學的經歷，反映出日據時代臺灣知識分子為求知、求發展，不得已浪游天涯，在二、三○年代錯綜複雜的中、日、臺關係間，游走於危險邊緣，導致他一九四○年被刺的命運。 由日記中吶鷗和女性的關係看來，可進一步了解新感覺派的浪蕩子美學。在他心目中，除了「母性」孕育子女的天職外，女性純粹是性愛象徵，她們的存在只是為了取悅男性，完全沒有能力從事智性和精神方面的活動。這樣的女性觀點事實上反映出浪蕩子無可救藥的男性沙文主義；他們縱情聲色，樂於與歡場女子為伍，卻對女人的性慾視同蛇蠍，患了典型的「女性嫌惡症」。他們裝扮入時，行事風格表現出對物質的無限依賴，在作品中卻只能描寫女人的外在形象，無法深入理解女人的感情和心靈世界。

　　吶鷗的上海經驗展現出他對文藝的執著和嚴肅態度，他的北京之旅則顯示出他作為一個浪游者的美學經驗。他徘徊於都市的街道巷弄、歌臺舞榭，四處閒逛，記錄所見所聞。他是觀察家，從事的是一種由外在描寫事物的藝術；他的描寫對象是時空所限定的物質，但轉化為文字後卻是亙古不變的美感，是精神的饗宴。由日記中可以看出他是個神經質的文藝青年，頗類似郁達夫筆下的神經衰弱青年。在閱讀上他偏好創造社的作品，但不喜文學研究會的作品。他喜讀法文書，卻認為美國人的文學根本不值一提。他對日本新感覺派的評價是「只可看風格，內容無聊」，這事實上也點出了上海新感覺派的傾向。吶鷗在精神上和地理上跨越國界浪蕩天涯，卻不能見容於國家主義、民族主義掛帥的國際社會。

Liu Na-ou's 1927 Diary

PENG Hsiao-yen

　　Through the messages conveyed in his 1927 diary, this article traces Liu Na-ou's family background, while correcting the misconceptions formed since Yan Jayan's History of the Schools of Modern Chinese Fiction(1989). Liu's identity, family, education, friendships, and his experiences while studying in the big cities of China and Japan reflect the life of the Taiwanese intellectual during the Japanese occupation as a flaneur of the world. Facing the complicated relations among China, Japan, and Taiwan, he walked on the verge of danger and was murdered in 1940.

　　From Liu's relationships with women as disclosed in the diary, one can understand better the aesthetics of the Neo-Perceptionist dandy. In Liu's mind, woman, besides her natural endowment of being a mother, is purely a sex symbol. Unable to pursue activities connected with the intellect and the spirit, her existence is dedicated to the pleasure of men. This conception of women in fact reflects the irrevocable male chauvinism of the dandy. He indulges in sensual pleasures and seeks the company of women of loose virtues, and yet, afflicted by misogyny, he considers women's sexual desire as vice. He is fashionably dressed, and depends infinitely on material culture. As a rule he describes women from the outside, not being able to understand their feelings and spiritual world.

　　His Shanghai experiences disclose his serious attitudes toward art, while his travel to Beijing reflects the aesthetics of the flaneur. He frequents the streets and the dance halls of the big city, recording what he sees and hears while sauntering aimlessly. He is an observer, engaged in the art of describing things from the outside. The objects of his description are materials confined by time and space, and yet they become objects of beauty and spiritual feasts in his works. From the diary we can see that Liu is a neurotic young man dedicated to art and literature, very much similar to the young men victimized by neurasthenia in Yu Ta-fu's works. Liu loves to read works by the members of the Creation Society, but he detests those by the writers of the Society of Literary Study. He likes French works, and does not think American literature worth mentionining. He thinks the Japanese Neo-Perceptionist works“passable in style, but boring in content.” This commentary can actually also be applied to the works by their Shanghai counterparts. Having crossed the boundaries of nations through his pursuit of art and through trips in different countries, he became a target of the international communities of Shanghai where strict nationalism reigned.

Key words: Neo-Perceptionism 　　　dandy　　　 misogyny　　　 flaneur

　　　　　neurasthenia

由彈詞編訂家侯芝談清代中期彈詞小說的創作形式與意識型態轉化

胡 曉 真

提 要

　　本文首先試圖重新思考彈詞小說與實際演出及市場價值的複雜關係，繼而探索清代中期女作家侯芝的彈詞編訂事業及其所反映的彈詞觀與時代思潮。 彈詞小說雖然是案頭化的文本，也陸續出現典雅藻麗的作品，卻無法割斷與市井講唱的淵源，其出版與流傳的過程更與大眾閱讀市場息息相關。職此，吾人對女性彈詞小說的研究，亦當在探討其內在之作者心志與情節人物之外，一併考慮時代思潮、文化網絡、乃至市場需求等相關外在因素。 本文即在這種思索取徑之下，討論清代中期彈詞編訂家侯芝的代表意義。出身於詩禮之家的侯芝懷抱正統思想，雖然由詩詞創作轉向彈詞小說，但一直堅守載道的文學觀，尤其對傳統婦德的闡揚更不遺餘力。因此，侯芝對稍早陳端生具有爭議性的彈詞作品《再生緣》懷有極為複雜的矛盾情緒。在寫作風格方面，侯芝強烈批判流行彈詞小說的情節結構、行文用語、結局安排等等，而她本人的作品則以情節新奇但文字平易為準則。凡此皆昭示了侯芝對大眾閱讀市場的關係，以及面對大眾婦女讀者所採取的教導者姿態。

　　侯芝的個案不但代表女性彈詞小說史上的一次重要轉折，也有助於吾人對清代中期女性價值觀之養成，以及其與文化市場之互動關係的觀察。

the Mid-Ch'ing

HU Siao-chen

　　This paper first attempts to reconsider the tanci narrative and its complex relationship with performance and market value, and then goes on to explore Hou Chih's editorial career in the tanci, as well as the contemporary thoughts and views on tanci it reflects.

　　Tanci narratives are certainly written texts, and writers in the Ch'ing began to create works that were elegant and refined; however, the tie between the genre and popular performance could not be broken. The publication and transmission of the tanci was also closely related to the popular book market. Considering this, our research on women's tanci narratives should pay more attention to extrinsic factors such as contemporary thoughts, cultural networks and market, in addition to intrinsic ones such as the author's ideas, plots, and characters.

　　With the above considerations in mind, this paper discusses the tanci editor Hou Chih of the mid-Ch'ing and the significance she represented. Hou Chih was raised in a genteel family, and was imbued with orthodox ideas. When her writing switched from poetry to the tanci, she never gave up her didactic views on literature and exposition of traditional women's virtue. As a result, she had a very complicated and ambivalent reaction toward Tsai-sheng yuan, an earlier controversial tanci by Ch'en Tuan-sheng. In terms of writing style, she strongly criticized the plot, language, and ending in popular tanci works, whereas her own works were based on the principle of novel plot and plain language. All the above discussion demonstrates that Hou Chih cared about the popular book market and assumed the role of an instructor of the woman reading public.

　　The case of Hou Chih not only represents a significant transformation of women's tanci, it also helps us to observe the cultivation of women's values in the mid-Ch'ing and its relationship with the culture market.

Key words: tanci  narrative 　　　Hou Chih　　　 Chin-shang hua

　　　　　Chin-kui chieh 　　　Tsai-tsao t'ien

朱 曉 海

提 要

　　漢賦與魏、晉以降的賦有別，自古人即能言之。駢句劇增、瑋詞銳減，以至篇幅短小等是常被提出、視為二者差異的表徵。但若認真逐項進行全面數量核計，上述的表徵似乎並不如粗略觀察下那麼明顯，使得過去的觀察及由此得出的論斷不免膚相之嫌。 曹丕說「詩、賦欲麗」，皇甫謐說「美麗之文，賦之作也」，不論詩人之賦，還是辭人之賦，兩漢迄魏、晉的學囿文林共通認定︰麗乃賦這種文體不容或缺的特質，然而彼此對「麗」的觀念將無異？本文嘗試從兩個時期賦作審美觀異動這點，來探討此疆彼域所在。這種異動在一般熟悉的賦作中不顯豁，倒是在東漢中葉以降某些冷門詠物賦中曲折反映出來。

　　為了支持本文的論點，在敘述完筆者的觀察和解釋後，花相當篇幅，一方面對可能的質疑提出答辯，以期顯示前此即使嘗出現近似題材的賦作，以文學流變的尺度而言，尚不具意義，而那些題材於此後出現頻率增加，也不應視為純屬舊題材飽和下的趨新之勢，或滑稽嘲謔風氣的延續及加厲。另方面試圖指出︰魏、晉時期，無論是生離、死別、士不遇等這些舊題材的賦作，或是以螻蟻、浮萍等那些新賦題詠物，儘管作者的藝術手法不盡圓熟，都無形反映彼時審美觀確有異動。這種文學上的新審美觀與當時哲學上新思考模式的萌生地區雖然頗重合，卻不宜將前者全盤化約為後者的影響。

Sherman CHU

　　Ever since Sung Dynasty scholars of classical Chinese literature have observed the fact that the rhapsodies of Han Dynasty differed from those of Wei-Chin Dynasties. The difference was conventionally explained as the result of the increase of parallel sentences, the decrease of rhyming and alliterative binomes, and so forth, in rhapsodies of Wei-Chin Dynasties. The explanation, however, not only seems quite superficial, but is unconvincing after carefully statistical rechecking the above-mentioned phenomena as revealed in the rhapsodies of Wei-Chin Dynasties.

　　It is my intention to approach the problem from the topics chosen by Wei-Chin rhapsodists to see if there were any changes of the aesthetic views directly or indirectly reflected in their works. I suggest this approach on the grounds of the common recognition shared by the literati of both periods that being beautiful was the substantial character of this specific literary genre and the major criterion to evaluate if any rhapsody was successful. It was very possible for writers of these two different periods to have different viewpoints regarding what could be counted as beautiful, which must have been the guideline in their writings of rhapsodies.

Key words: yung-wu rhapsodies　　　 Han rhapsodies 　　　Wei-Chin rhapsodies

「能研諸慮，何遠之有哉」

──《文心雕龍•風骨》九慮

鄧 仕 樑

DANG Shu-leung

　　Liu Hsieh's Wen-hsin tiao-lung is essentially a book about how to write efficiently. It was a book aimed at those who are learning to write, and was, naturally, written in intelligible language for the benefit of its intended audience. However, as it was written in parallel language with an ornate style, using a great deal of synonyms and antonyms, it is not without ambiguity to the modern reader, causing heated debates on a number of issues. The interpretation of the Chapter Feng-ku is probably the most controversial of all in terms of the meanings and functions of “wind” and “bone”.

　　This paper attempts to demonstrate that, as a mentor giving advice to someone who is learning to write, Liu Hsieh introduced the concept of “wind” and “bone” in the chapter Feng-ku as a undamental and essential requirement for all writings. Indeed, the last sentence of the chapter states, “If one pays attention to these considerations, why should the art be beyond one’s reach?” The author of this paper takes this as an indication that in Liu's mind, the attainment of “wind” and “bone” is not out of reach of most writers and need not be a mystery.

　　There are nine considerations raised in this paper, with the following focuses:

　　1.To investigate why Liu Hsieh introduced the concept (of wind and bone) and the issues he addressed;

　　2.To clarify the meanings and functions of “wind” and “bone” in view of Liu’s tendency of using dichotomy in literary discussions; and

　　3.To argue on the basis of the terms used by Liu which were drawn from the Book of Change, that “wind”' and “bone”' have nothing to do with strong and vigorous style as some modern scholars have asserted.

Key words: Wen-hsin tiao-lung 　　　Feng-ku (wind and bone)

　　　　　Kang-chien (Strong and vigorous)

《二十四詩品》中一個重要意涵的探討

蕭    馳

　　本文以西方浪漫詩歌研究中直接關聯抒情詩文類品質之概念?「瞬刻超越體驗」為基點，探討司空圖《二十四詩品》一重要意涵。文中提出︰中國傳統詩論此一經典之作，以後設反省方式，集中演呈了魏、晉以來中國詩歌所形成的獨特超越精神。在《二十四詩品》中，超越境界可因其宗教和哲學意味之不同而分為凌虛遨遊和靜觀玄默兩類。前者乃道教之幻想世界，《詩品》則以唐代更玄學化的觀念，進行了消化；後者乃由元康、永嘉時期的玄學及嗣後的佛教天臺宗思想，推動而形成，在《詩品》中卻主要經由向、郭玄學而被演呈。玄學觀念和遊仙詩傳統中亦仙亦隱的詩境，乃成為凌虛式的仙人與山水花竹間體味玄韻淡泊的高士相處而不亂的依據。在此兩類境界之中，「近而不浮，遠而不盡」的當下本在式超越，在很大程度上，代表了中國古典抒情詩獨特之美學傳統。

XIAO Chi

　　By applying the concept which defines the generic quality of the Western romantic lyric poetry,“the experience of momentary transcendence,”to the study of Ssu-k'ung T'u's (837-908) Twenty-Four Varieties of Poetry, this essay offers a new interpretation of this classic critical writing. It argues that this masterpiece of Chinese poetics, through a self-reflexive or meta-lyric discourse, demonstrates the unique transcendental realms of Chinese poetry formed in and after the Wei-Chin period (196-420). The transcendental realms demonstrated in this work could be divided into two categories religiously or philosophically: the celestial in flight over heaven and the recluse in contemplation of the earthly beauties. The former is the fantastic world of the“roving immortal poetry”associated with Taoist religion, which Twenty-Four Varieties of Poetry recasts in terms of the more metaphysicalized T'ang Taoist religion; the latter is the realm of the metaphysical and natural landscape poetry catalyzed by the Western-Chin metaphysics and subsequent T'ien-t'ai Buddhism, which is, however, in this critical work recaptured through the lens of Kuo Hsiang's (253-312) metaphysics. The ideas of Wei-Chin metaphysics and the poetry which situates its world between the recluse and the immortal constitute a bridge between the two transcendental realms. In these two transcendental realms, the immanent transcendental experience or the realm of so-called “being close at hand without being frivolous, and far-reaching without escaping”, to a great extent represents the unique aesthetic tradition of classic Chinese poetry.

Key words: Twenty-Four Varieties of Poetry 　　　Kuo Hsiang's metaphysics

　　　　　transcendence　　　 immanence 　　　Chinese lyricism

《呂氏春秋》高誘《注》校釋

何 志 華

Commentaries on the Lu-shih ch'un-ch'iu

HO Che-wah

　　Kao Yu of the Eastern Han, was the author of commentaries on the Huai-nan tzu, the Lu-shih ch'un-ch'iu and the Chan-kuo ts'e. As he tended to couch similar comments as well as glosses in similar wording, we can collate them to arrive at more reliable readings.

　　Extant editions of the Lu-shih ch'un-ch'iu, including those published in the Yuan or the Ming, are not free from corruption. Kao Yu's commentary is no exception. This article attempts to compare Kao Yu's commentaries where there are duplications in the other two works. It is hoped that this will be helpful to students of Han commentaries to early works.

Key words: Kao Yu　　　 Huai-nan tzu 　　　Lu-shih ch'un-ch'iu

郝 敬 的 詩 經 學

蔣 秋 華

The Study of Shih ching by Hao Ching

CHIANG Chiu-hua

　　Hao Ching was very unusual among scholars of the late Ming period. He was well-versed in the classics, and left a great deal of writings, but commentators have held opposite views about his scholarship. Some have seen him as a stronghold of the Ming study of classics. Others have criticized him for spreading false ideas. What has contributed to these divergent comments is a problem worthy of in-depth examination. This author has thus chosen Hao Ching's Mao-Shih yuan-chieh for a closer analysis, which aims at helping understand the essence of Hao's study and give a more judicious evaluation of his work.

　　Mao-Shih yuan-chieh is one of Hao Ching's Chiu-ching chieh. Hao Ching in this work followed Shih hsu and refuted, with all he could, Chu Hsi for not using Shih hsu in Shih chi-chuan. Almost all the important points made therein focused on criticizing Chu. As Hao Ching relied so much on Shih hsu, he sometimes was over-bound by this work and failed to make an objective observation. In addition, Hao Ching in his study of Shih ching emphasized interpreting the meanings of the text and made a number of unique points. These personal reflections have been open to question and criticism.

　　The appraisals of Hao's work thus have varied. In the iconoclastic climate of the late Ming, it was easier for Hao Ching, who dared to suggest new ways of approaching the classics, to be admired. In contrast, in the midst of the philological emphasis rising at the Ch'ien-Chia period of the Ch'ing dynasty, the prevailing concerns for positive evidence made it difficult to think highly of those who were noted for interpreting classics with their own views. In other words, Hao Ching was at one time highly valued and at the other time criticized depending on the contemporary intellectual climate. Seeing such differences in judgment, one cannot but sigh with sorrow.

Key words: Hao Ching　　　 Mao Shih yuan-chieh　　　 Shih ching

朱熹《詩序辨說》述義

楊 晉 龍

On Chu Hsi's Shih hsu pien-shuo

YANG Chin-lung

　　This essay examines the contents of Shih hsu pien-shuo by Chu Hsi (1130-1200). According to Chu Hsi, Mao kung (ca. 100 B.C.) had dismantled the book entitled Shih hsu and left each part in front of its corresponding text of Shih ching. Later scholars, in consequence, mistook Shih hsu as the interpretation given by the authors of Shih ching. Rather than Confucius or Tzu-hsia, Chu Hsi argued, it was Wei Hung, who had composed the existing Shih hsu by incorporating views and those of earlier scholars.

　　Chu Hsi's Shih hsu pien-shuo has pointed out three major mistakes in Shih hsu. The first is being unaware that“ssu wu hsieh”implies“readers read Shih ching with innocence”and thus failing to see that a few poems in Shih ching were actually love poems from those who eloped. The second is being unaware that officials and the populace could not directly criticize the monarch and thus acting against Shih ching's teaching of“being soft and gentle”in speaking to the authorities. The third is over-exaggerating the influence of women in history. King Wen of Chou (ca. 1027-1025 B.C.), for example, received support from people from other areas, because the King had been able to exert influence with his virtues. This was not because the King's wife, being virtuous, had kept the harem in order; the moral cultivation of King Wen's wife resulted from, instead of contributing to, the King's influence.

　　Chu Hsi's view of those love poems has made it possible for scholars to interpret Shih Ching in a freer spirit. In addition, instead of discarding Shih hsu, Chu Hsi treated the work as a reference. There is no ground of asserting that Chu understood Shih ching without any regard for Shih hsu.

Key words: Chu Hsi　　　 Shih hsü pien-shuo　　　 Shih hsü

說「南」──再論《詩經》的分類

陳    致

提 要

本文試圖結合文獻與音樂考古資料，對《詩經》的分類問題提出一個假說。首先，通過對甲文中「南」的文字學分析，本文提出「南」字象早期一種竹木製筒形器物，並由此進一步闡釋它在刻劃文字資料及文獻資料中，中心義與邊際義之關係。其次，由此對「南」的重新釋讀，本文提出「南」後演變為竹木製打擊樂器，以及南方樂鐘的代稱。借助古代音樂史研究的新成果，特別是近年來音樂考古學的成就，本文認為「南」所指當為商、周之際江漢流域常見的樂鐘如︰句 和鎛等。而《詩經》中的「南」一名，本源於由南方這類樂鐘所代表的具有地方色彩的樂式。

最後，重新審視「風」、「雅」、「頌」三者的命名，本文認為由宋代《詩經》學者所提出來的樂式分類理論，較諸漢儒諸說，更接近史實。在此基礎上，本文進一步認為，這些不同的樂式蓋出於不同的樂器。更明確的說，也就是，「風」最初為普通管弦樂器的代稱，又進而成為各地方具有民間色彩的音樂的代稱；「頌」則源自商代的流行樂鐘，也就是前人所稱的「鐃」，李純一所說的「庸」（或「鏞」），商代貴族或宗室用於祭祀、饗宴，乃至軍旅所用之器。而「雅」即「夏」，所指的是源自關中地區的，流行於周代貴族中的編懸的甬鐘和鈕鐘。在分類編排的時候，《詩經》的編者不但根據不同的音樂體式，同時也考慮到了地域的因素。

CHEN Zhi

The rationale for the divisions of the sections of Shih ching, conventionally assumed as subject matter, has long perplexed modern scholars. This paper, attempting an approach interweaving historical records with some archaemusicological data and paleographic analysis, seeks to find the origins of the designations of these divisions. I propose a new reading of the character“nan,” as used in the first two subsections of the“Feng”section of Shih ching. First, I explain this character, judging from its form and appearance in inscriptional writings, and from its denotation in early lexical works, as a pictorial representation of a bamboo section. This was an early way of making a water or wine container. I will seek to interpret the character's core meanings and links with extended uses, in early epigraphic and documentary texts.

This new perspective about the meaning of“nan”will suggest that it was initially the name of a musical instrument. It refers to the bronze bells prevalent in southern China during the late Shang and early Chou times. Bells called po-chung and kou-tiao were representative of this type. Building on modern studies of early Chinese musical history, especially on works by modern archaeologists and musicologists, I hypothesize that the designation of the“Nan”sections of Shih ching was initially derived from the name of a musical style which originated from these bronze bells.

Finally, a reexamination of the designations of other parts of Shih ching,“Ya,” “Sung”and“Feng,”suggests that the musical style theory, as posited by Sung dynasty scholars, is a tenable method of explaining these designations. I will further propose that these different musical styles were in turn derived from their accompanying instruments: namely nan, po bells and kou-tiao bells prevalent in southern China along the Chiang River valley; feng wind instruments; ya, the yung-chung bell, a mallet-struck bell with a shank atop of it, prevalent in the central Chou domain during the Western Chou times; sung, or yung, an earlier bell type restricted to the use of the Shang nobility. In designating the poems of Shih ching, the compiler or the editor seems to have differentiated poems of different styles according to their accompanying musical instruments, with different geographical origins.

Key words: Shih ching　　　 Book of Odes　　　 archaemusicology

　　　　　etymology　　　 bells