中國文哲研究集刊 第十一期

目  錄

Number 11   September 1997

也談「南戲」的名稱、淵源、形成和流播

曾 永 義

　　近年來，南戲研究在戲曲領域中廣為學界重視，但對於其名稱、淵源、形成和流播此一基本而重要的問題，學者爭議尚多，猶未能充分釐清。本文擬就此加以論述，全文分為四部分︰一、南戲的名稱，二、南戲的淵源︰從鶻伶聲嗽到永嘉雜劇，三、南戲的形成︰戲文、戲曲與永嘉戲曲，四、南戲的流播分派︰從福建古劇到南戲諸腔劇種。「南戲」在歷來文獻上有許多異名，而其中實已提示南戲淵源、形成與流播之線索。如「鶻伶聲嗽」 也談「南戲」的名稱、淵源、形成和流播 是在永嘉初起時，以鄉土歌舞為基礎所形成的「小戲」，時間約在北宋徽宗宣和間（1119-1125）。「永嘉雜劇」或「溫州雜劇」是「鶻伶聲嗽」吸收流入民間的「官本雜劇」所形成，樂曲是里巷歌謠和詞調，時間約在南渡（1127）之際。「戲文」或「戲曲」是「永嘉雜劇」又吸收說唱文學以豐富其故事情節和音樂曲調乃至曲調的聯綴方法，從而壯大為「大戲」，時間約為宋光宗紹熙間（1190-1194）。「永嘉戲曲」表示其向外流播，宋度宗咸淳間（1265-1274）已流傳至杭州和江西南豐，江蘇吳中也約在其時，福建閩南地區的莆田、泉州和漳州也應當在光宗朝就已流入戲文；而廣東潮州由後來的戲文傳本觀察，也應當是戲文流播的地方，只是時間未必在南宋。「南曲戲文」、「南戲文」、「南戲」，是元、明兩代用以和「北曲雜劇」、「北雜劇」、「北劇」相對待的稱呼，皆指體製劇種，而當其流播各地，則受當地方言腔調及民歌等的影響，形成諸腔劇種。由此，南戲由鄉土歌舞小戲而受宋官本雜劇影響、進一步汲取說唱文學之滋養發展為大戲、以至流播各地形成各種腔調劇種的歷史脈絡也就清晰可尋了。

TSENG Yong-yih

　　In recent years, there has been a good deal of emphasis placed on research into nanxi (southern drama) in drama studies. However, there is considerable controversy about important questions concerning the name, origin, formation and propagation of nanxi and no satisfactory conclusions have been reached. This article aims to discuss these points, and is divided into four parts. First, the name nanxi. Second, the origin of nanxi; from huling shengsou to the Yongjia zaju. Third, the formation of nanxi: xiwen (“southern dramatic scripts”), xiqu (“musical drama”) and Yongjia zaju. Fourth, the propagation of nanxi and its internal differentiation: from Fujian ancient theater to the varieties of drama associated with different nanxi sub-dramatic and singing styles. In literature related to the origin of nanxi, it has many alternate names; scattered among this literature is enough evidence to show its origin, formation and propagation. For example,“huling shengsou”is a kind of xiaoxi (“skit”) formed in the early years of Yongjia, based on rural songs and dances of the locality; this was at about the time of the Xuanhe period of Emperor Huizong of the Northern Song (1119`1125).“Yongjia zaju”or“Wenzhou zaju”is“huling shengsou” which absorbed“guanben zaju”(“court drama”). The latter entered into popular culture, taking for its music local folk songs and ditties at about the time of the court's transition to the south (1127). Xiwen or xiqu are ways of elaborating the plots and musical numbers from the abundant material of the shuochang (“story-telling”or chant-fable) tradition, thus making it into a daxi (“full-scale drama”) as a part of“Yongjia zaju.”This was at about the time of the Shaoxi period of the Emperor Guangzong of the Song (1190-1194). The name“Yongjia zaju”implies that it had already been propagated elsewhere; by the Xianchun period of the Sung Emperor Duzong (1265-1274), it had already spread to Hangzhou and to Nanfeng in Jiangxi. At about the same time, it was in Wuzhong (present-day Suzhou), Jiangsu; in the Minnan region of Fujian, its scripts should have already reached places such as Putian, Quanzhou and Zhangzhou by the reign of Guangzong. According to later play redaction investigations, Chaozhou in Guangdong should have been exposed to the influence of xiwen; however, this did not necessarily occur during the Southern Song. Terms such as“nanqu xiwen,”“nan xiwen,”and“nan xi,”calling these forms “southern,”were used in the Yuan and Ming as contrast with corresponding“northern”forms, such as“beiqu zaju,”“bei zaju,”and“beiju.”They refer to types of drama which, as they spread to various localities, picked up the influence of the local dialects, folk songs, and so forth. In this way they formed regional subdrama styles. Thus we know that nanxi was a local xiaoxi form with rustic songs and dances, which then was influenced by the guanben zaju of the Song. Next it was stimulated by what it took from shuochang and developed into daxi, and then spread into a variety of areas, taking on a variety of dialects and musical forms, to become a tradition of dramatic stylistics with a long historical heritage.

Key words: Wenzhou zaju Yongjia zaju

　　　　　xiwen (“dramatic scripts”) nanxi

　　　　　dramatic sub-genres stylistic sub-genres

中國古典小說中的「女俠」形象

林 保 淳

　　中國人所謂的「俠客世界」或「江湖世界」，基本上是在男性觀念主導下所構設出來的，主要在強調男性積極而外發的生命情調；因此，傳統中社會活動範圍受到較多限制的女性，無法真正介入此一原來專屬男性的社會舞臺。可是，當女性在文學世界中開始展現其不可抗拒的魅力之後，俠客與江湖的世界中亦不能不有若干女性點綴於其間。 女性俠客的嶄露頭角，始自唐代的「劍俠」小說，不過卻是宋代才開始名之為俠的；而且，女性的特殊性質，並未凸顯，事實上只是「中性」的。自元、明而後，女性俠客開始分流，一部分雖仍具有男俠的神祕特質，而另一部分，則以其道德或行事上的義烈，拓展了女俠的生命情調。儘管此一拓展還是備受傳統女性觀的牢籠，並未使女性俠客的生命自足開展。

　　文學作品中女俠的誕生，是在「才子佳人」小說的發展下茁生的，佳人走出閨閣之後，就必須憑藉不同於以往的另一面貌，投身在社會當中，因此其機智、膽略，甚至武藝技業上，也逐漸受到重視。尤其是從《情史》刻意強調出女性俠客在情感上的特質後，清代以來陸續開展，更徹底改換了傳統俠客世界的體質，並影響到男俠品貌、性格的塑造。近代武俠小說中的「俠骨柔情」，正是在此背景中逐步建構而成的。

　　不過，女俠畢竟還是由一群擁有歷史著作、詮釋權的男性所構設出來的，儘管他們嘗試去觸探女性的心靈，卻依然免不了以男性主觀的角度，「設計」滿足其價值觀、社會觀的女俠，規範的意味，掩蓋了女性的自足成長，終究使得所謂「俠客世界」中的女俠，充其量不過是點綴瓶花的角色而已。

Classic Chinese Fiction

LIN Po-chun

　　The so-called“knight world”in Chinese literature is constructed on the basis of masculine perspectives of life. Women confined in the traditional society were not supposed to be included in this zone. However, when women began to show their irresistible charm in literary works, women characters were accordingly created in the chivalric world.

　　The rise of lady knights began in the knight-errant fiction of the T'ang dynasty, yet has been formally called“knight”since the Sung Dynasty. In fact, their female characteristics were not significant--they remain unisex. After the Yuan and the Ming, images of lady knight-errants have bifurcated: one group is embodied with mystical qualities of male knight-errants while the other group, with their moralistic behavior, develop characteristics unique to female knights. These characteristics, however, limited by a feminine tradition, have failed to define lady knight-errants as women per se.

　　The birth of lady knight-errants in Chinese literature is followed by the emergence of“scholar and beauty”fiction. When the beauty steps out her boudoir, she has to exercise her talents to survive in society. Hence, a woman's courage, intelligence and even martial skills are emphasized. The emotional characteristics of lady knight-errants were singled out particularly since the History of Ch'ing, which was a move that directly challenged the portraits of male knight-errants. The notion of“chivalrous conduct, tender thoughts”in recent knight-errant fiction is constructed against such literary background.

　　It is indisputable that the lady knight-errants are created by male writers. Though male writers have tried to depict women with female insights, they are unable to free themselves from masculine perspectives. In a way, they“invent”female knight-errants who in turn meet their value and moral standards. They are more interested in oppressing women rather than in encouraging women's self-development. The lady knight-errants are, after all, ornaments in the chivalric world.

Key words: lady knight-errant　　　 female knight　　　 knight-errant

晚清前期女性彈詞小說試探

－－非政治文本的政治解讀

胡 曉 真

　　本文關懷的問題有三︰一、文學史上「晚清時期」的分期問題；二、晚清小說理論對文學史建構的影響；三、女性彈詞小說在晚清時期的發展與其政治涵隱。 文學史家常以新、舊文學的分野作為晚清文學最大的特色。本文指出進化式文學史觀主宰了五四以來的晚清文學研究，因而忽略了新舊交雜時期的文學作品，亟需吾人重新思考。晚清小說理論中，彈詞小說雖然集舊小說眾惡之大成，但由於其「婦女教科書」的地位，故仍然保有啟迪民智的價值。彈詞小說背負了新的道德使命，重新突顯了新、舊文學的衝突，使得後人輕易忽略了這一批「舊」作品在凝滯與沈悶中展現的「新」意。

　　本文處理三部彈詞小說，分別代表晚清女作家面對變局的三種嘗試。《榴花夢》以古喻今，極力溢美女英雄，指涉十九世紀中期家國有難的挫折感。《精忠傳》將彈詞小說推向一向屬於男性的公領域。宋／金相爭的主題出現在晚清，更留有無盡的詮釋餘地。《鳳雙飛》以新奇為目，專事對男性同性關係的摹寫，全書從內容到形式都洩漏了作者踰越規範的慾望。本文藉著對這三部彈詞小說的探索，思考晚清時期的舊女性如何利用舊形式創作，與興起中的新文學潮流接上榫頭，也與風雨欲來的現實宛轉對應。

of the Late Ch'ing

HU Siao-chen

　　This paper focuses on three areas: the periodization of the“late Ch'ing”; late Ch'ing theories of novel and the construction of literary history; the development of t'an-tz'u narratives in the late Ch'ing and their political implication.

　　Literary historians generally agree that late Ch'ing literature features a demarcation between the old and the new. I point out that a linear view of literary history has dominated the studies of late Ch'ing literature since the May 4th period; therefore critics, until now, tend to ignore works produced at the intersection of the old and the new. In late Ch'ing discourse of novel, the t'an-tz'u narrative appeared to be a synthesis of drawbacks. However, thanks to its status as“textbooks for women,”the genre was valued as a vehicle of enlightenment. With this new moral imperative imposed on the t'an-tz'u, the conflict between old and new literatures was again pushed to the foreground, resulting in our neglect of“new”possibilities stagnating in the“old” works.

　　The three t'an-tz'u narratives discussed here represent different attempts of late Ch'ing women writers to respond to the national crisis. Liu-hua meng comments on the present by telling a story of the past. It exaggerates the virtues of the heroine, thereby pointing to frustration about the mid-nineteenth-century national crisis. Ching-chung chuan is a rewriting of the Yue Fei legend, driving the feminized t'an-tz'u genre toward the public sphere that was supposed to be masculine. Furthermore, as this work brought up the conflict between Han and Jurchen people in the context of the late Ch'ing, we are left with infinite possibilities of interpretation. Feng shuang fei aims at novelty and concentrates on the portrayal of one-on-one relationships between men. From content to form, the work reveals the author's desire to transgress norms. By reading these three t'an-tz'u narratives by women, I try to reconstruct the situation in which traditional women writers in the late Ch'ing, while writing in the old form, related themselves to the emerging new literary trends and indirectly responded to the imminent chaos of the developing circumstances.

Key Words: late Ch'ing novel 　　　t'an-tz'u narrative

　　　　　periodization in literary history　　　 Liu-hua meng

　　　　　Ching-chung chuan 　　　Feng shuang fei

道 家 與 道 術

柳 存 仁

　　先秦到東漢各思想家之學，皆言道術。而道家一派人獨以道名之，甚至後世宗教性之道教亦承襲之而稱道家，此蓋因道家一派之起，淵源甚早。其書專名道，如「道可道，非常道」之類語言，乃見其獨特異耳。先秦學者不論何一派，無不談政治。其消極避世如莊子，所見亦與政治環境有關，餘別如儒、道、名、法……，態度無不積極，道術為天下製，其志亦無不為拯贖天下也。 以時代言之，在老子之前，古代思想家所推崇為聖人者曰伊尹、太公望，《老子》書中稱之為「以道佐人主者」。伊尹、太公以降，享大名者為管仲，儒家對之雖時有貶語，亦多盛稱之。今存《管子》之書，則內容甚駁雜，而老子及《老子》書之時代問題，亦嘗為學術界聚訟之大關目。近年馮友蘭、陳鼓應、胡適之諸人對此皆有論述。本篇作者先弗下結論，就時人所懷疑老子之時代各點，細加分析；又用近歲考古發現材料，如帛書《老子》、《伊尹•九主》、《皇帝四經》之屬，參論《老子》之篇章，發現《老子》一書在思想上及文字上承襲《管子》之處不少，其間有一部分又可能襲自《周書》。今《逸周書》中仍有若干處與《管子》之文字、體製極近，似皆可注意。由古代伊尹、太公至管、老，此一系統不宜埋沒。而後世政治家如張良、諸葛亮……以及更後之言政術、政象者，雖不能無受法術、縱橫策士之薰陶，亦恆尊管、老為大宗。此點吾人或不可不注意者也。

Politically-Centered Tao-shu

LIU Ts'un-yan

　　The teachings of various schools of thought from pre-Ch'in times until the Later Han were all called Tao-shu. Because the origins of the Taoistic School (Tao-chia) were quite early, it took the name of “Taoist”for itself, and later, religious forms of Taoism (Tao-chia) simply followed in the tradition by appropriating the name. The fact that their texts spoke exclusively of“Tao,”in such phrases as“The Tao which can be named is not the constant Tao,”just shows the school's specialty. No school in pre-Ch'in times was without a political discourse. Even the passive, hermit-like Chuangtzu reveals elements relevent to his political environment; the other schools such as the Ru, Logicians, and Legalists, etc. were all very actively promoting something called Tao-shu to order the world. Their purpose was to save the world.

　　Speaking historically, before Laotzu, Yi Yin and T'ai Kung Wang were esteemed as sages by ancient thinkers. In the Laotzu text, they were said to have“guided the rulers of people with Tao.” After Yi Yin and T'ai Kung, Kuan Chung also enjoyed fame; although the Ru tradition sometimes criticizes him, they also praise him a great deal. The currently extant Kuantzu is an extremely desultory work. As well, the dating of the Laotzu text is a matter of great controversy among scholars. In recent years, such people as Feng Yulan, Chen Kuying, and Hu Shihchih contributed to the discussion of this matter. Without coming to any conclusions at first, the present author takes up points which earlier scholars found suspicious, and adds more detailed analysis; then, using recently discovered archaeological materials such as the silk-manuscripts of Laotzu, Yi Yin Chiu Chu, and Huangti Ssuching, he discusses individual passages of the Laotzu text and discovers that many parts of the latter reveal a marked dependency on the Kuantzu text in such matters as thought and phraseology. Some of these also were taken from the Choushu. In the current Yi Choushu text there are many places extremely close to the Kuantzu in language and style, which deserve our attention. We should not overlook the existence of this tradition from Yi Yin and T'ai Kung of antiquity to Kuantzu and Laotzu. Political figures of later eras, such as Chang Liang, Chu Ke Liang and others, as well as many even later figures who discussed political technique and political conditions, while of course being thoroughly influenced by Legalism and Realpolitik, also respected Kuantzu and Laotzu as masters. We should pay attention to such evidence.

Key words: Laotzu 　　　Kuantzu 　　　Yi Yin Chiu Chu 　　　T'aikung Yinmou

　　　　　Taoistic School　　　 Tao-shu　　　Ssu-ma T'an

論王陽明的最後定見

劉 述 先

　　黃宗羲《明儒學案》述王陽明學成以後三變，似乎是沒有問題的說法，二、三百年來並無異辭。但我發現，錢德洪的說法與之有異，只謂教亦三變，致良知即陽明最後定見。這種說法為《年譜》與《傳習錄》記載的天泉證道所謂四句教所證實。然陽明歿後，王龍溪撰〈天泉證道記〉，倡四無之旨，貶抑四有，以四句教為權法，乃平地起風波，引起日後無窮爭論。劉宗周雖處處與龍溪對反，卻認為陽明只是因病立方，致良知也只是權法，乃歸顯於密，倡誠意慎獨之旨。宗羲秉承乃師所教，將致良知教移前，以之為學成以後之第二變，並不以之為陽明最後定見，對陽明思想的理解造成了巨大的折曲。本文揭破了此一公案，並對於道統問題作出了觀察。

On the Final Views of Wang Yang-ming

LIU Shu-hsien

　　In Huang Tsung-hsi's The Records of Ming Scholars it was reported that after Wang Yang-ming's enlightenment there were still three changes. Such an account was never questioned by scholars since the publication of Huang's work. But I discovered that Wang's immediate disciple Chien Te-hung had a different account, and only this account offered a true picture of Wang's thought. Chien took chih-liang-chih (extension of innate knowledge of good) to be the final views of Wang. This was confirmed by the so-called Four-sentence-teachings as recorded in Wang's Instructions for Practical Living and his chronology. But after Wang died, another immediate disciple of Yang-ming, Wang Lung-hsi, gave a very different account of the Four-sentence-teachings. He declared that these teachings were only expedient in nature, and the final views would have to be what he called Four-Negatives-teachings. This opened up endless debates on the issue. Liu Tsung-chou rejected almost everything Lung-hsi said, but he also thought that the teaching of chih-liang-chih was only expedient in nature, and he proposed to replace it with his own teachings of sincerity of the will and keeping vigilant in solitude. Huang Tsung-hsi inherited his teacher's views and moved the teaching of chih-liang-chih to the second stage after Yang-ming's enlightenment and did not regard it as Yang-ming's final views. His account produced a distortion in the understanding of Yang-ming's thought. This article for the first time exposes the distortion and also discusses the implications for the transmission of the so-called tao-tung (orthodox tradition of the Way).

Key Words: Wang Yang-ming 　　　Chien Te-hung

　　　　　Wang Lung-hsi　　　　 Liu Tsung-chou

　　　　　Huang Tsung-hsi 　　　Chih-liang-chih

　　　　　Four-sentence-teachings

吉藏的淨土思想

廖 明 活

　　提到「淨土思想」，一般人便會聯想起以往生阿彌陀佛的極樂世界為宗趣的淨土宗。其實在中國佛教史 ，對淨土問題曾表現興趣者，非僅淨土宗一家，還有地論、三論、天臺、華嚴……等重要學統。本文以三論學統的主要人物吉藏（549-623）的淨土思想為主題。吉藏在其代表作《大乘玄論》裡，特設「淨土門」一項，全面申析淨土觀念，並為《無量壽經》和《觀無量壽經》這兩種阿彌陀佛信仰經典造註，對中國淨土思想的形成，作出了貢獻。

　　本文分兩部分，探討吉藏的淨土思想。第一部分闡述吉藏所提出的各種佛土分類，包括五種佛土、四位淨土、三種佛土諸說法；並申釋吉藏對一些備受爭議的佛土問題所持的意見，例如佛是否有土的問題，淨、穢兩種佛土的方所的問題等。第二部分集中討論吉藏對一些跟阿彌陀佛及其極樂淨土有關的問題的看法，詳細析述吉藏就阿彌陀佛的身位、極樂淨土的類別、往生極樂淨土的行因、往生極樂淨土眾生的品類等諸方面所作的論議。

LIU Ming-wood

　　Students of Chinese pure land teaching generally centre their attention on the Pure Land School. As a matter of fact, the Pure Land School is not the only major Chinese Buddhist tradition interested in the subject of pure land. Time and again, we come across detailed discussions on the question of pure land in writings of various Chinese Buddhist traditions, such as the Ti-lun, San-lun, T'ien-t'ai and Hua-yen traditions. This essay examines the pure land thought of Chi-tsang (549-623), a leading San-lun figure. The essay comprises two parts. The first part deals with Chi-tsang's classifications of pure lands into different types, and analyses Chi-tsang's views on a number of doctrinal issues connected with the idea of pure land. The second part discusses Chi-tsang's opinions on several central questions about the Buddha Amit?/FONT>bha and his pure land, and compares them with those held by his contemporaries and by the Pure Land School.

崔述在清代儒學定位之重新考察

邵 東 方

　　本文是全面討論崔述（1740-1818）的學術在清代儒學中究應如何定位的專題研究。在檢討自清代至近年來的學者意見的基礎上，作者從四個方面來探討崔述的定位問題︰一、分析崔述對於陸王心學的態度；二、討論崔述和朱熹學術的關係；三、崔氏之學與清代漢學的對比；四、崔述學術有無門戶之見。通過對於上述重要問題的反思，可以認識到，崔述雖然經過其個人的精思，完成了一個特殊形態的儒學的研究，但其學仍屬於儒學知識主義（「道問學」）傳統在清代學術發展過程中的一個特例或曰變相。本文的討論澄清糾正了多 崔述在清代儒學定位之重新考察數研究清代學術思想史者對崔述學術定位的誤解，同時也提供了公允評價崔述歷史地位的觀點和標準。更有進者，此一主題的討論將有助於對清代儒學演變的複雜性和多樣性獲得一種新的了解。

SHAO Dongfang

　　This article is a comprehensive study of Ts'ui Shu (1740-1840), a Confucian classical scholar largely unrecognized by his contemporaries. It takes its topic from the reexamination of Ts'ui Shu's intellectual positioning in the Ch'ing Confucian studies. The article begins by identifying Ts'ui's criticism of the School of Mind-and-Heart and his inclination toward historical inquiry. Then it goes on to explore Ts'ui Shu's relations with Chu Hsi's learning, emphasizing Ts'ui's link with the tradition of intellectualism in Confucianism. The author compares Ts'ui Shu's scholarship with the Ch'ing dynasty's Han-learning scholars. Finally, he discusses where Ts'ui Shu fit into the intellectual sectarianism of Ch'ing Confucian learning. By drawing upon a variety of related texts, an attempt is made to demonstrate the complexity and diversity of the development of Ch'ing Confucianism and show how Ts'ui Shu's scholarship takes a unique position in both values it promotes and its overall significance within the broader context of the multiform Confucian tradition. Seen in this manner, Ts'ui Shu's voice, in speaking to scholars of later generations, is both unconventional and yet must still be considered a legitimate member of its own time and heritage.

　　　　　Sung-hsueh　　　 Chin-ku-wen　　　 Men-hu-chih-chien

從孟學詮釋史論中國詮釋學之特質(英文)

黃 俊 傑

　　本文以中國思想史所見之孟子學詮釋史為中心，分析中國詮釋學之三大面向︰一、作為解經者心路歷程之表述的詮釋學︰許多儒者透過註經以表述企慕聖賢境界之心路歷程，如朱子集註《四書》以建立一己之哲學，解釋《孟子》「知言養氣」說以表詮個人對生命之體認；王陽明（1472-1529）在其「百死千難」的心路歷程中所得之「心即理」與「致良知」之精神體驗中，重新解釋孟子學，都是具有代表性的例證。二、作為政治學的儒家詮釋學︰由於帝制中國的政治體制是以君主為主體，而儒家政治理想是以人民為主體，儒家之價值理想難以在現實世界中實踐，於是，許多儒家學者在有志難伸之餘，以經典註疏之學術事業寄寓其經世濟民之政治理想。這種詮釋學是一種道德學，而且其中「治道」遠多於「政道」，如康有為（1859-1927）著《孟子微》於二十世紀列強對中國鯨吞蠶食之危機年代，皆寄託其救世宏圖於名山事業之中。三、作為護教學的儒家詮釋學︰歷代儒者以經典註疏作為武器，批駁佛、老而為儒學辯護者代不乏人，如韓愈（768-824）撰〈原道〉、〈與孟尚書書〉，以孟子傳孔子之道，認為其「功不在禹下」，皆有詮釋經典以護教之用心在焉。王陽明通過對孟子的「盡心」與「集義」等概念的重新解釋以批駁朱子學；清儒戴震（1724-1777）在西元一七七七年撰《孟子字義證疏》駁斥宋儒及佛、老之思想，也是這種類型的中國詮釋學的代表作品。

　　在以上這三個中國詮釋學的突出面向中，第一個面向較為重要。歷代許多儒者註疏經典，常常或是作為一種個人安身立命的手段，或是作為表達個人企慕聖域的心路歷程的一種方式。這正是儒家「為己之學」的一種表現，而將經典解釋與個人生命交織為一，這是「融舊以鑄新」的傳統思考方式。第二種面向與詮釋者對社會、政治世界的展望有關。詮釋者企圖透過重新解釋經典的途徑，對他所面對的社會、政治問題提出解決方案，這是一種「返本以開新」的思考模式。第三面向則是詮釋者身處於各種思潮強烈激盪的情境中，為了彰顯他所認同的思想系統之正統性，常通過重新詮釋經典的方式，排擊「非正統」思想。這是一種「激濁以揚清」的思考模式。

關鍵詞︰詮釋學　　 《孟子》　　 儒學

Characteristics of ChineseHermeneutics Exhibited in the Historyof Mencius Exegesis

HUANG Chun-chieh

　　This paper explicates the characteristics of Chinese hermeneutics and its distinctively Chinese cultural characteristics as illuminated and instantiated by its long historical tradition of Confucian exegesis on the Mencian Classics.

　　This essay has explained Chinese hermeneutics as having three types: hermeneutics as personal cultivation, as political pragmatics, and as apologetics. Since hermeneutics originated in the breakdown of communication between the contemporary reading subject and the ancient text, the first type of hermeneutics as personal cultivation is primary in origin and importance. For hermeneutics bridges our gap－linguistic, contextual－with the ancient sages, so as for us to befriend them, be in dialogue with them, in order to cultivate and fulfill ourselves. In this respect, hermeneutics as political pragmatics and as apologetics are two directions in which the subjectivity of the exegete stretches to express himself. Faced with the risky complex political situation of the times, the exegete has no option but to propose his view through the route of his ostensibly objective textual research, reinterpretations of the classics. Faced with the bewildering plethora of competing schools and views, one has to return to, to dig into, the original classics, to bring out, to demonstrate“truths”to which he is committed, thereby to refute“heresies.”The above three types share in common the writing commentaries on the Classics, so as to poetically evoke (hsing興) the reader to metaphorically (pi比) grasp what is truly there from time immemorial, by way of longing aspiration towards the sages and their views expressed in the classics, of advising the powers that be with the immutable political views of the classical ancients, of redressing mistaken views in various divergent schools.