中國文哲研究集刊 第十期

目 錄

Number 10     March 1997

──一個當代新儒學的闡釋

劉 述 先

　　《論語》中子貢證詞曰︰「夫子之言性與天道，不可得而聞也。」然徵諸事，孔子多處言天言道，不像根本不言性，理論效果自不可同日而語。經過多年探索，本文遵守考證在方法學上的嚴格標準，只引述《論語》中的話，為孔子思想組成一條融貫的思路。最後發現，孔子一貫之道的涵義決不止於「推己及人」，還隱涵了一條「天人合一」的思路。這可以廓清一般對孔子思想流行的誤解。

Implicit in Confucius' Thought

LIU Shu-hsien

　　In The Analects Tzu Kung said:“We can hear about our Master's〔views〕on culture and its manifestation, but we cannot hear about his views on human nature and the Way of Heaven.” It is true that Confucius rarely spoke about human nature, but he talked quite often about Heaven and the Way; we must come up with a reasonable explanation. After many years' study and inquiry, I finally realize that it is not true that The Analects concerns human affairs only. By following the strict methodology of historical scholarship, I used the materials included in The Analects alone to construct a coherent account of Confucius' thought. I find enough evidence to show that the one thread running through all his doctrines should not be interpreted to mean only a thread that extends from one's self to others, but also from man to Heaven. This should help to remove some deeply-entranched misunderstanding of Confucius' thought.

Key words: the Way of Heaven　　　 unity of Heaven and man

老子之自然與無為

－－古典意含與現代意義

劉 笑 敢

LIU Xiaogan

　　The paper focuses on the core value (naturalness, tzu-jan) and the methodological principle (non-action, wu-wei) in Lao Tzu's philosophy, which are supported by metaphysical concept of Tao or the Way and experiential dialectics.

　　Primarily naturalness means“so on its own”or a thing is what it is due to itself without external driving and interruption, which has the implication that the thing is what it is in itself now and will continue to be so in the future. Thus the principle of naturalness requires a smooth curve in movement and conversion, and a balanced and harmonious situation without conflict and strife.

　　Although Lao Tzu's age and ours differ massively in terms of the rapidity and intensity of development and transformation, competition and stress, naturalness can still be relevant as a value. The new concept of naturalness, or modernized naturalness, must take into account rapid transformation and stressful competition, although the spirit could be the same as before. It does no longer merely mean that something is so on its own, but that something develops and transforms because of its own free will. Also it still claims smooth transformation without sudden discontinuity and sharp turns from the direction of continuous movement, as well as a balanced and harmonious state even within complicated movement and competition.

　　Different from tzu-jan, wu-wei or non-action is not a simple word but a cluster of ideas formulated in the negative that describe the opposite side of conventional or common values and methods. A new interpretation of non-action could be the way of social management which seems like nothing but has good effect. Non-action would then mean a way that keeps the society in overall harmony and individuals in fruitful interchange by providing a spontaneous order for the community at large. Needless to say, this does not suggest the exclusion of the role and function of laws and regulations in modern societies.

Key words: naturalness (tzu-jan)　　　 non-action (wu-wei)

　　　　　Taoism　　　 Lao Tzu　　　 meaning　　　 significance

玄學中的音樂思想

戴 璉 璋

　　本文討論王弼、阮籍與嵇康三人的音樂思想。王弼對於《老子》「大音希聲」的說法作了精當的闡釋；阮籍對於傳統「雅樂」的特性與功能，依據所謂「自然之道」的理論提出了重要的說明。至於嵇康，他那著名的〈聲無哀樂論〉，除了論證聲無哀樂以外，還善巧地揭示了聲有自然之理。筆者分別討論了他們的相關著作，並取傳統樂論來加以比較，旨在審察三人的玄學思想在其音樂領域的論述中所產生的影響。依筆者管見，王弼、阮籍與嵇康三人的音樂思想有一共同的基本原則，即「將欲全有必返於無」。可以聽聞的音樂是「有」；不可聽聞的「大音」或「自然之道」、「自然之理」是「無」。必須歸本於後者，音樂才能全其大用，盡其和美。三人的論述，對於傳統樂論的誣妄比附有所澄清；對於音樂欣賞與創作的境界有所提升；而對於音樂獨特的藝術精神與價值也有睿智的洞見。從這裡，我們可以看到玄學思想在音樂領域中的確有「開物成務」的作用。

in Hsuan-hsueh

TAI Lian-chang

　　This is a discussion of the concepts of music developed by Wang Pi, Juan Chi and Chi K'ang. According to Lao Tzu,“the greatest sound [which signifies Tao, expresses the essence of the universe and ] is not to be detected with mortal ears”and Wang Pi gave a precise description of this concept. Based on“the essence of the universe,” Juan Chi offered significant connotations to enhance the features and functions of the traditional“aesthetically good music.”As to Chi K'ang, besides giving examples to prove, in his renowned “Sheng wu aile lun,” there is neither sorrow nor joy in sounds, he skillfully argued that aesthetically good music should correspond to the essence of the universe. In this study, with a view of understanding how metaphysical ideas affected their contemplation of music, I made an exhaustive search through each of their related works respectively and examined their views together with traditional music theory. In my opinion, Wang Pi, Juan Chi and Chi K'ang all believed in one fundamental principle; they all agreed that in contrast with“yu,”the music which can be detected with mortal ears, there is the kind of sound which is transcendental and superb and can never be possibly detected with mortal ears. This kind of sound is“wu”and is in accord with“the essence of the universe.” If music is to cultivate minds and reach the ultimate beauty of harmony, it should be in correspondence with the essence of the universe. They all claimed that, traditionally, music had long been vulgarly misused as a tool in both education and politics. Besides raising musical creation and appreciation to a much higher and sublime level, they offered creative insights and suggestions about the aesthetic quality and value of music as well. From this discussion we can understand how the metaphysical thoughts of Hsuan-hsueh can provide both constructive enlightenment and nourishment to the concept of music.

Key words: Hsuan-hsueh (metaphysical learning)

　　　　　yu (manifest existence)

　　　　　wu (nothingness)

　　　　　tzu-jan (self-so, spontaneity)

　　　　　music

皇甫謐卒年新考

徐 傳 武

　　對於史書記載的皇甫謐卒於「太康三年」（282），享年六十八歲之說，向無異議。但由於皇甫謐曾為左思的〈三都賦〉作過序，如果謐卒於是年，則〈三都賦〉應撰成於是年之前；而史書記述的左思寫〈三都賦〉的有關活動，如左思訪蜀事於張載、訪吳事於陸機，為博覽群書向賈謐求為秘書郎等，均應在太康三年之後。這種矛盾現象應如何解釋呢？想把〈三都賦〉說成撰畢於太康三年之前者，則極力把此後的事向前拉，或者否定此後有關活動的可靠性；想把〈三都賦〉說成撰於太康三年之後者，則又懷疑皇甫謐為之作序的真實性。本文從《晉書•皇甫謐傳》記載的謐曾在近六十歲寫過一篇形同遺囑的〈薦終〉入手，認為如果謐卒於太康三年，則〈晉書本傳〉記載的謐作〈薦終〉之前的數次徵召活動都在其六十幾歲以後了，就其當時癱臥在:的身體狀況看，這是不可能的；再加上如果謐卒於太康三年，則〈晉書本傳〉所載六十歲左右的活動就前後失序，文理不協了，等等。本文用充足的理由，用「理校」的方法，認為皇甫謐應卒於「元康三年」（293）。誠如是，則史書記載的與謐卒年、與左思作賦種種活動之疑而難通之處，皆可迎刃而解了。

Huangfu Mi's Death

　　The view according to historical records that Huangfu Mi died in the third year of the Taikang regime (282 A.D.), or at the age of 68, hasn't yet met any challenges. But it is important to note that Huangfu Mi wrote a preface to Zuo Si's “Fu (descriptive prose interspersed with verse) of Three Capitals.'' Had Huangfu Mi died in 282 A.D., The “Fu of Three Capitals”should have been written the year before, but Zuo Si's activities (according to historical records) associated with the writing of the“Fu of Three Capitals,”such as consulting about the Shu State with Zhang Zai, consulting about the Wu State with Lu Ji, applying to Jia Mi for a secretary post in return for access to books, should be after the third year of the Taikang regime. Such a contradiction requires a definite answer. For those who believe the“Fu of Three Capitals” was written before the third year of the Taikang regime, the answer is either Zuo Si's activities concerning the“Fu of Three Capitals”precede the writing, or historical data about Zuo Si's activities are not reliable. In contrast, those who believe the“Fu of Three Capitals”was written after the third year of the Taikang regime suspect that Huangfu Mi did not write the preface at all. This paper starts from“A Will”written by Huangfu Mi in his late fifties, arguing that if he died in 282 A.D., then dozens of instances in which he recruited talented people to be officials, according to the History of Jin, should have happened after he was 60, when he was confined to bed. Thus this assumption is unlikely to be correct. Moreover, if Huangfu Mi died in the third year of the Taikang regime, his activities around his 60th year, are difficult to order in time. Ample evidence is martialled here according to the“inferential emendation” method, to conclude that the year of Huangfu Mi's death should be the third year of the Yuankang regime (293 A.D.). If this is true, puzzles about the year of Huangfu Mi's death, and Zuo Si's activities concerning the“Fu of Three Capitals,”according to historical records, are easy to solve.

Key words: Huangfu Mi

徐 陵 年 譜

周 建 渝

　　中國梁陳時期的南北朝文壇，當推徐陵和庾信執其牛耳。文學史上所謂「徐庾體」之稱，標誌著二人及其父輩在當時文學界舉足輕重的地位。本文試圖以年譜的方式對徐陵之生平行事及其文學活動作一全面的介紹，進而涉及與徐陵有關的其他文學家的活動以及產生這些文學活動的社會背景，以期為研究徐陵及南北朝文學的同道提供一份較為翔實的資料。

A Chronicle of Xu Ling

ZHOU Jianyu

　　During the period of the Liang and Chen dynasties in China, Xu Ling (507-583) and Yu Xin (513-583) were dominant leaders of the literary circle. The so-called“style of Xu and Yu”illustrates their importance among their contemporaries.

　　This chronicle focuses on a complete introduction to Xu Ling's biography, his literary contribution, his relationship with other literary writers and politicians, as well as the social and historical background of their contributions. It aims to provide detailed and reliable information to those who study Xu Ling and the North-South dynasties history of Chinese literature.

Key words: Xu Ling　　　 chronicle　　　 palace-style poetry

　　　　 North-South dynasties history

　　　　 North-South dynasties literature

傳統的背叛和詩美的創新

陳 友 冰

　　本文是對唐詩風格流變的探索之一，主要分析以韓愈、李賀為代表的中晚唐險怪詩風對傳統詩歌美學的背叛和創新。大曆詩人為這種背叛作好了理論上的準備和風格上的過渡；韓愈則以他那狠重的力度感和動態美、至險至怪的荒誕美、化醜為美和以醜為美，以及散體、折拗之美向傳統中和之美、自然之趣，以美襯美和美醜比襯，以及對稱、和諧的詩律結構發起挑戰；李賀則把這種新的美學觀念深入人的內心世界，或是以一種極濃的色調捕捉客觀世界的片斷，並根據自己的主觀意念作出重新組合或顛倒、變形的反映，或是根據自己的意識流動，若明若暗、朦朧恍惚地描繪夢幻中的世界，以此來反映自己曲折層深的內心。

Creation of Poetic Aesthetics

CHEN Youbing

　　This is an exploration of change in Tang poetic style. The analysis focuses on the fact that in the mid-to-late Tang dynasty, the“Danger and Strangeness”poetry style, represented by Han Yu and Li He, rebelled against and brought forth new ideas from traditional poetic aesthetics. The poets of the Dali period had already completed the theoretical preparations and initiated the stylistic transition. Later, Han Yu issued a challenge to traditional poetics, so that features such as forceful and dynamic beauty, grotesque beauty, relativity and inter-equivalency of beauty and ugliness, and irregular beauty were opposed to traditional features such as the beauty of moderation, natural interest, the sharp division of beauty and ugliness, as well as symmetrical, harmonious prosody. Then, Li He put this new aesthetic idea deep into people's minds. Sometimes, with intensely dark tones, he captured episodes of the objective world, and in the light of his own subjective thoughts, he recomposed, reversed, or deformed reflections; or on a stream of consciousness basis, he described a vague picture of a dream world, which refracted his deep inner world.

Key words: Han Yu　　　 Li He　　　 poetic aesthetics

　　　　“Danger and Strangeness”

一樁歷史的公案──「西園雅集」

衣 若 芬

　　「西園雅集」是相傳於北宋期間舉行的一場盛大的文人聚會，根據題名為米芾替李公麟〈西園雅集圖〉所寫的〈西園雅集圖記〉，有十五位文人高士聚集於主人王詵家的園林，他們或揮毫、或觀畫、或題石、或聽阮、或談禪，十分風雅。然而，除了米芾的〈西園雅集圖記〉，並未有其他的北宋文獻資料提供後人關於「西園雅集」的進一步訊息，甚至米芾的文章也是遲至明代才出現，南宋以來，對於「西園雅集」的舉行時間、地點和參與人士都有不同的說法，頗令人懷疑「西園雅集」的真實性。

　　本文一方面整理各家對於「西園雅集」的觀點以考索其產生的因素；一方面希望擺脫對於「西園雅集」存在之真偽的爭辯，轉而從文化典故著眼，為「西園雅集」的歷史意義尋求合宜的解說。

　　作者以為︰傳為米芾的〈西園雅集圖記〉應當是明代的作品，〈西園雅集圖記〉所載諸君於北宋元祐年間舉行大型聚會並非絕無可能，只不過其名稱未必即為「西園雅集」，而「西園雅集」之「西園」一詞可以溯至曹氏父子禮賢愛士，與建安諸子遊逸吟詠，為後世文人所欽慕嚮往，於是塑造出「西園雅集」的理想情境，同時，由「西園雅集」被模寫傳唱和仿傚實踐的現象觀察得知︰文人聚集園林，以詩、書、畫會友，享受進退皆宜的清曠之樂便是「西園雅集」主題所以歷久不衰的重要原因。

An Unsettled Historical Case: Hsi-yuan Ya-chi

(Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden)

I Lo-fen

　　Hsi-yuan Ya-chi is believed to be a famous gathering of some literati at His-yuan (the Western Garden) in the Northern Sung. According to Mi Fu's essay“Hsi-yuan Ya-chi t'u chi,”which was written for the painting“Hsi-yuan Ya-chi T'u”by Li Kung-lin, there were fifteen poets and artists assembling in the Western Garden owned by Wang Shen, amusing themselves with poetry, painting, music, and Ch'an discussion.

　　However, no other record related to this gathering in the Northern Sung has been found -- even Mi Fu's essay itself was not mentioned until the Ming dynasty. Since the Southern Sung, there have been different versions concerning the exact time, place, and participants of the gathering. The question of the authenticity of the gathering, therefore, needs to be left in doubt.

　　While the present paper starts with a discussion of different opinions on this event, it aims to avoid unproductive arguments about its ultimate authenticity and rather to explore its historical significance and the construction of cultural meanings associated with it. I would argue that the final version of the essay attributed to Mi Fu was not completed until the Ming. On the other hand, it is still possible that there was a gathering of famous literati taking place in the Yuan-yu period of the Northern Sung. Whether they used the term“Hsi-yuan Ya-chi,”however, is uncertain.

　　The term Hsi-yuan originated from the literary circle which was given important impetus from the Ts'ao family in the third century Wei dynasty. Later this name influenced literary people, who formed an ideal picture of the“Hsi-yuan Ya-chi” meanwhile, this theme gave rise to paintings and documents, as well as attempts to recreate the event. From these phenomena, we know that the literary people met in sylvan parks; they were relaxed occasions for gathering with like-minded connoisseurs of poetry, calligraphy, and painting. The theme and atmosphere carried connotations of freedom to participate or withdraw from official service, and this was one reason that such meetings continued to be organized over many generations. For this reason, this study helps us to understand the interaction of culture, governance, and society in traditional China.

Key words: Hsi-yuan Ya-chi (Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden)

　　　　 Hsi-yuan Ya-chi T'u (Painting of“Elegant Gathering in the Western  Garden”) 　

　　　　 Mi Fu Li Kung-lin Su Shih Wang Shen

吳康齋的生活與學術

鍾 彩 鈞

　　吳與弼康齋（1392-1469）為明代理學開山人物。本文以全部《康齋集》為依據來考訂其生活與學術。在生活上，對其勤學、教學、農牧、閒逸與出遊有詳細的描寫，以見其一生學不厭教不倦，超脫艱困而得生活之趣的高尚人格。在學術上，則分聖賢之學、書本之學、文藝之學、經世之學各方面來論述。在學問上康齋雖只是複述程朱的主敬窮理說，以及一些生活性的話題，然而他卻能深入體會其中的意味，並將心提升為核心概念，從而開啟有明一代的理學。康齋在理學家中詩作較多而且認真，詩是其學與教的重要項目，而他對宋儒意境的體會也接近於詩的方法。

The Life and Learning of Wu Yu-pi

CHUNG Tsai-chun

　　This article describes the life and learning of Wu Yu-pi（1392-1469）, the founder of Ming Neo-Confucianism. Taking the Complete Works of Wu Yu-pi as a basis, the author extends his study to the whole scope of Wu's life and learning. Concerning this thinker's life, the author describes in detail Wu's diligent study, tireless education, peasant and shepherd life, and leisure and travel, in order to show a noble character who insisted on life-long study and teaching, and transcended hardships to taste the joy of life. As for learning, the author discusses Wu's research into sages, books, belles-lettres, and practical affairs. In philosophy Wu achieved no more than to reiterate“holding fast to seriousness and investigation of things,”and some practical instructions for living from Sung Neo-Confucianism. But through his deep understanding of their significance, as well as his elevation of mind-heart to the central place of philosophy, he originated Ming Neo-Confucianism. Among Neo-Confucianists, Wu is the one who composed poetry diligently and abundantly. Poetry is an important subject in his study and teaching. In some cases, his approach to the meaning of Neo-Confucianism may be said to be a poetic method.

Key words: Wu Yu-pi 　　Ming　　　 Neo-Confucianism

「新女性」與上海都市文化－－新感覺派研究

彭 小 妍

　　二、三○年代上海出現新感覺派，代表人物為劉吶鷗（1900-1939）、穆時英（1912-1940）、施蟄存（1905），繼承了創造社開創的色慾小說傳統。但郁達夫和張資平除了短篇以外，更擅長中長篇悲劇色彩作品，新感覺派則完全以短篇見長，作品節奏輕快，創造了一種以情調（mood）為主的輕薄短小作品。這種創作形式應該和這類作品經常在通俗雜誌上刊登有關，例如《良友》畫報和《婦人畫報》。更值得注意的是作品主題上的變化︰相對於創造社的色慾解放／國族解放想像，新感覺派作品則淡化（或忽略）國族想像，側重描寫都會人生的色慾橫流，塑造了一個性解放的女性形象，反映出大量的上海通俗刊物、電影等媒體所建構的「新女性」文化想像。這種文化想像其來有自，必須追溯至清末民初上海發端的女權運動之變遷。

　　劉吶鷗等人的寫作風格受到日本新感覺派的影響。時值中國兵馬倥傯多事之秋，他們的作品充分反映出十里洋場追逐聲色的頹廢心態。相對於革命小說的教化功能，新感覺派作品以娛樂為作品的最終目的。三○年代初轟動文壇的海派論爭中，穆時英是沈從文點名批判的「新海派」，和禮拜六派、張資平、《良友》畫報及「女校皇后」的品味並列。當年並沒有壁壘分明的京派、海派兩大文學陣營，海派一詞事實上是定義模糊的刻板印象，流露出外來作家對上海通俗文化的成見。這場論戰如果代表的是菁英／通俗品味之爭，一九二七年國民黨清黨前後旅居上海的許多作家和通俗文化的互動其實十分複雜。在《良友》等通俗刊物上經常看見嚴肅作家的作品，菁英與通俗的界線似乎已逐漸模糊。可從地域文化之爭的角度來看這場論戰這是「鄉土中國」和上海文化之爭。

PENG Hsiao-yen

　　During the 1920s and 1930s, the Neo-Perceptionists appeared on the literary scene in Shanghai and became famous for erotic fiction. Among them were Liu Na'ou （1900-1939）, Mu Shiying（1912-1940）, and Shi Zhicun（1905-）. Actually it was Creation Society writers such as Yu Dafu and Zhang Ziping who began the vogue of erotic fiction. Besides writing short stories, Yu and Zhang were good at novellas and novels with tragic overtones. By contrast, the Neo-Perceptionists wrote exclusively short stories（often mini stories）marked by lively language and a celebration of urban mood. Their formal renovation no doubt catered to the taste of popular journals such as Liangyou huabao（Companion）and Furen huabao （Women's pictorial）, where their works were often published. More important was the change of theme: in contrast to Creation Society writers' parallel structure of sexual and national liberation, the Neo-Perceptionists neglected the national imagination while stressing instead the sensual pleasures of urban life. Their stories reflected the image of the New Woman constructed by popular Shanghai journals and films. The cultural imagination of the New Woman should be understood in the context of the woman's liberation movement burgeoning in Shanghai since the turn of the century.

　　Influenced by the Japanese Neo-Perceptionists, Liu's and his friends' works reflected the decadent mentality of Shanghai urbanites in pursuit of prurience during a time when China was beset by social and military turmoil. As a contrast to the didacticism of the“revolutionary stories”popular then, the works of the Neo-Perceptionists were primarily written for entertainment. During the 1930s Beijing types and Shanghai types debate, Mu Shiying was singled out by Shen Congwen and derided as a“new Shanghai type,”put on a par with the Saturday School, Zhang Ziping, the journal Companion, and the“queens of girls' schools.” The clear-cut division of writers into the Beijing School and the Shanghai School is a recent construction by literary critics today, and did not really exist then. The term“Shanghai type”referred mainly to stereotypes and revealed the prejudiced opinions of writers from the outside against Shanghai popular culture. If that debate represented the strife between the elite taste and the popular taste, we should keep in mind that many writers who sought shelter in Shanghai during the time of the 1927 Guomingdang party purge took little time before surrendering to the beckon of local popular culture. Many serious writers contributed to popular journals regularly, blurring the line between the elite and the popular. We can instead look at the debate as a clash between“rural China” and Shanghai culture.

Key words: The New Woman 　　　Neo-Percetionism elite

　　　　　popular culture

　　　　　the Shanghai School erotic fiction