|
中國文哲研究集刊
第八期
目 錄
Number 8 March 1996
| Yao Chi-heng's Criticisms of Chu Hsi's Shih Chi-chuan |
Lin Ching-chang |
| On the Death of Qu Yuan |
Huang Ling-geng |
| The Need of Searching for Truth on the Basis of Facts
|
on Lin Tzu-ch'ing's |
| Hung-i ta-zhih hsin-p'u |
Ch'in
Ch'i-ming |
|
On the Differences between Shizhuan daquan
詩傳大全 and Shizhuan
tongshi 詩傳通釋 |
Yang Chin-lung |
|
Literary Canon, Racial Scale, and Writing the Homeland: Zhang Wuojun
and the Origins of Taiwan Vernacular Literature |
Peng
Hsiao-yen |
| The Hermeneutical Problems in Mou Tsung-san's Philosophical
Interpretation |
Lee Ming-huei |
|
The Practical Thought of Lo Ch'in-shun and its Socio-Political
Background�C |
Chung Tsai-Chun
|
| The Characteristics of Ou-yi Zhi-xu's Thought and an Appraisal of his
Status |
Chen Ying-shan |
| Yao Chi-hen of Tzu-kung Shih-chuan and Shen P 'ei
Shih-Shuo |
Chiang Ch'iu-hua |
|
Reading Network and the Writing of Literary
Tanci�H
|
Hu
Siao-chen |
|
The Comparian between the Zi-guai of the Za-zhuan and the
Shi-zhuan:an Iquiry of Genre |
Liu Yuan-ju |
姚際恆對朱子《詩集傳》的批評
林 慶 彰
提 要
本論文分七小節：（一）前言，敘述這七十餘年間研究姚氏學術的大概經過，並略述朱子《詩集傳》和姚氏《詩經通論》的內容特色。（二〉對朱子淫詩說的批評：淫詩說本為朱子《詩經》學的一種「創見」，從宋到明代都可見其影響。姚氏則以為朱子將孔子的「鄭聲淫」誤為「鄭詩淫」，所謂淫詩根本不能成立。（三）對朱子所定詩旨的批評：朱子的《詩集傳》以反《詩序》起家，但根據姚氏的研究，朱子詩說採自《詩序》者實有十分之五，所以朱子表面是反《詩序》，實際上是遵《序》。（四）對以儒、釋說詩的批評：朱子常用儒家《大學》、《中庸》的道理來說詩，有時也引釋家之理來證詩，姚氏以為這些皆出於《詩經》之後，不應引來說詩或證詩。（五）對所釋字句的批評：朱子所釋詩篇字句大抵採自《毛傳》、鄭《箋》，姚氏對其中的訛誤加以糾正者不少。（六）對所釋名物、制度之批評：朱子所釋的名物、制度也有不少訛誤，姚氏也一一加以批評。（七）姚氏批評朱子的意義：指出姚氏所以批評朱子，是為動搖朱學的權威統治地位，回歸《詩經》原來的面貌。
Yao Chi-heng's Criticisms of Chu Hsi's Shih Chi-chuan
Lin
Ching-chang
The purpose of this article is to study the criticisms of Chu Hsi's Shih
Chi-chuan in Yao Chi-heng's Shih-ching T'ung-lun (A General Study of The
Book of Odes). Yao criticized Chu Hsi from the following five aspects: (1) theories of
obscene poems; (2) purposes of poems; (3) phraseology of poems; (4) things and norms
mentioned in the poems; and (5) Chu Hsi's explanations of poems from the points of
Confucianism and Buddhism. Yao's purpose was to shake the authority of Chu Hsi's
Shih Chi-chuan and to return to the real nature of the Book of Odes.
Keywords: Yao Chi-heng Shih-ching T'ung-lun
Chu Hsi
Shih Chi-chuan
論屈原之死
黃 靈 庚
提 要
首先，從分析屈原「內美」人格悖論入手，指出其先在的正與奇兩種質素是導致屈原人格內在衝突而最終沉湘自殺的根源，也是屈原自身缺陷所在。接著，結合人類文化學、楚族民俗，分析屈原從終彭咸的死亡觀念既有中正理性精神，又帶有原始感性的色彩，把死亡看作是生命的回歸、反本，即重新回其先祖神帝高陽之居。再次，解讀〈離騷〉三度「上征」飛行神話的死亡意義，指出那不過是屈原三次神秘的死亡體驗，並且考證了屈賦中鳳鳥具有導引亡靈歸本的民俗意義。最後，對〈離騷〉「求女」的底蘊重作解釋，認為「女」，即是指楚族的女先祖神；「求女」，是表現其依其族女先祖神，並結合楚國的「淫祀」特徵，指出三度「求女」的男女情愛的性質，也不過是楚人表現生命回歸的禮俗而已。
On the Death of Qu Yuan
Huang
Ling-geng
Beginning with analysis of the erroneous views of Qu Yuan's inherent
moral integrity, this paper first points out that his previous dual elements of
uprightness and unjustness in character are his personal defects as well as the reason of
his internal conflicts in character and final drowning and suicide. Applying theories of
anthropology and folk customs of the Chu People, it then analyses the process of Qu Yuan
following Peng Xian's philosophy of death and finds this not only shows his upright
and sensible minds but also has primitive and perceptual reasoning, which is to consider
death as return of life or return to the homeland of his ancestor the King Gao Yang. And
then by explaining the meaning of death involved in the myth of three rise-ups in the book
"Li Shao" it proves that these are nothing but three mysterious
experiences of death of Qu Yuan. This certifies also the phoenix in Qu's poems has
the folk significance of leading dead souls return to its origin. The paper finally gives
a new explanation to the implication of the process of 'seeking woman' in "Li
Shao". 'Seeking woman' here means following the goddess and ancestor of the Chu
People. Coupled with the excessive sacrificial rites of the Chu State, the love nature of
'seeking woman' for three times is considered only to reflect the custom and ritual of the
Chu People for the return of life.
Keywords:
Inherent moral integrity Peng Xian Rise-ups
Seeking woman
編修年譜要實事求是
－－評林子青《弘一大師新譜》
秦 啟 明
提 要
林子青的《弘一大師年譜》，曾在海峽兩岸長期流傳。近年又在臺北東大圖書公司與北京宗教文化出版社，分別出版了增訂本《弘一大師新譜》。關於這本《年譜》的由來，以至其得失成敗等閒題，兩岸學術界尚無人過問。為了推動海峽兩岸的「弘學」研究，本文從年譜學角度加以審視，按照實事求是的科學態度，將《弘一大師新譜》中存在的問題，加以歸納總結，寫成十個章節，通過舉例分析、驗證辯論，探討《弘一大師新譜》未能全面正確翔實再現弘一大師生平歷程、淪為一冊弘一大師研究資料匯編的癥結所在。
The Need of Searching for Truth on the Basis of Facts
－on Lin Tzu-ch'ing's Hung-i ta-zhih hsin-p'u
Ch'in
Ch'i-ming
Form the perspective of the study of chronological biographies, this
author critically examines a number of the problems found in Lin Tzu-ch'ing's Hung-i
ta-zhih hsin-p'u. To sum up, Lin's book is a collection of source materials
rather than a chronological biography that delineates the life of Hung-i ta-shih in an
accurate and precise manner.
Keywords:
Hung-i ta-shi Li Shu-t'ung chronological
biography
Shih-shih ch'iu-shih
論《詩傳大全》與《詩傳通釋》的差異
楊 晉 龍
提 要
本文的目的是對顧炎武（1613-1682）《日知錄》、朱彝尊（1629-1709）《經義考》、紀昀（1724-1805）等《四庫全書總目》等書，批評明成祖朱棣（1360-1424）在永樂年間，命胡廣（1370-1418）等人修成的《詩傳大全》僅「完全鈔襲」、「剽竊」元人劉瑾的《詩傳通釋》一事，重新檢證，以確定顧炎武等的批評是否沒有問題？
根據實際 「比對」兩書的結果：《詩傳大全》
和《詩傳通釋》有一一三五處不同，包括：增入條文、刪除條文、改動原文、移動解說位置、更換排列次序等。其中最特殊的是《詩傳大全》增補入一九六條朱善（1314-1385）《解頤》的說解，這是劉瑾書中不可能有的事情；另外增入六十一條羅復的說解，也是《通釋》所沒有的。從〈凡例〉所言也知道，《詩傳大全》的確是以《詩傳通釋》為底本，再加入其他成書或刪除《通釋》某些條文而成，可見顧炎武等批評《詩傳大全》僅「全襲」「剽竊」劉瑾一書的說法，並不完全正確。
從《日知錄》刊刻後已三百年（1695-1996），但學者依然全盤引用而不再加以詳細辨明；筆者以為這是學者過分盲信權威，缺乏實際研究的努力，所以纔會失去更進一步瞭解真相的動機。因此建議研究者應重視張以仁老師「學術只認真理，不盲從、不迷信權威」的道理。
On
the Differences between Shizhuan daquan 詩傳大全
and Shizhuan tongshi
詩傳通釋
Yang Chin-lung
This paper basically compares Shizhuan daquan (The Complete
Collection of the Annotations of Shijing) edited Hu Guang (胡廣，1370-1418) of Ming
with Shizhuan tongshi ( The General Explanation of the Annotations of Shijing) by
Liu Jin 劉瑾 of Yuan. While these two books are same in many aspects, they are still
quite different in 1135 items, a special phenomeon in which is Shizhuan daquan's quoting
196 items from Zhu Shan's (朱善，1314-1385) interpretation in his Shi Jing jieyi 詩經解頤.
I therefore propose that Shizhuan daquan is edited on the basis of
Shizhuan
tongshi.
The statement made by Gu Yanwu's (顧炎武，1613-1682) Ri zhi lu
日知錄, Zhu Yizun's ( 朱彝尊，1629-1709) Jing Yi kao 經義考 and Siku
quanshu zongmu 四庫全書總目 edited by Ji Yun ( 紀昀，1724-1805) etc. that Shizhuan
daquan totally copies or plagiarizes Liu Jing's book is absolutely wrong.
It is surprising that Ri zhi lu has been published for three hundred years
(1695-1996), but many scholars still quote the cliches of people such as Gu Yanwu etc.
Therefore I suggest that researchers should respect appeal like, "Scholarship should
only admit truth, never blindly believing authority," proposed by Professor Zhang
Yiren 張以仁.
Keywords:
Shizhuan daquan Shizhuan tongshi
Siku quanshuzongmu Hu Guang Liu Jin
Gu Yanwu Zhu Yizun
文學典律、種族階級與鄉土書寫
－－張我軍與臺灣新文學的起源
彭 小 妍
提 要
一九二○年代張我軍在《臺灣民報》提倡新文學，對日本殖民統治者所認可的舊文學典律直接挑戰。
新典律牽涉到建立新的文學語言，二、三○年代臺灣知識分子曾廣泛討論所謂「白話文」的內涵和定義：例如，北京話文究竟是白話文的代詞，抑僅是白話文的一部分？臺灣話有音無字，是否能改造臺灣話使其適合寫作白話文？張我軍的意見和連文卿類似：由於交通便利、東西文化交互影響日深，臺灣話和其他語言一樣具有流動性，如果能自創新詞、新語，白話文「何必拘泥於官音」？三○年代前後臺灣作家的創作語言趨向多元化，如張我軍的北京話文；呂赫若、楊逵等的臺灣話文；還有善用日語借詞者。駁雜多樣的創作語言呈現出作家勇於創新。
日據時代臺灣作家為了向殖民統治階級挑戰，除了建立新文學典律以外，也積極參與種族階級
（racial scale）論述。世紀之交種族階級論在歐洲、日本均極盛行，種族階級論成為推廣海外殖民統治的理論依據。對日本人而言，開化亞洲其他「劣等」民族乃「正義之戰」，可以制衡歐洲「優等」民族的海外擴張。中國學者強調改善中國人的「劣等」國民性，以期搖身一變成為強國。臺灣知識分子則企圖打破種族階級論的迷思，認為只要教育和經濟機會均等，臺灣人和日本人一樣可以表現優異，無所謂「優等」
、 「劣等」民族。
二、三○年代的臺灣話文論爭、種族階級論及鄉土文學論爭顯現出「臺灣意識浮出檯面。臺灣的「特種文化」在日據時代是核心議題之一，到今天「本土化」的議論仍甚囂塵上。應如何建構臺灣的「特種文化」？似乎是歷久彌新的課題。
Literary Canon, Racial Scale, and Writing the Homeland: Zhang
Wuojun and the Origins of Taiwan Vernacualr Literature
Peng
Hsiao-yen
During the 1920s Zhang Wuojun advocated the vernacular literature movement
in Taiwan People's Journal (Taiwan minbao) as a direct challenge to the canon of
classical literature embraced by the Japanese colonizers.
A new canon involves the establishment of a new literary language. During the 20s
and 30s Taiwan intellectuals discussed in depth the content and definition of the
so-called "Vernacular" : Is Pekinese the substitute for the vernacular, or
simply part of the vernacular? With no written language, can Taiwanese be reformed and
become suitable for writing? Zhang Wuojun held the same view as did Lian Wenqing: because
of the convenience of travel and the influence of Western culture of Eastern culture and
vice versa, Taiwanese is in a state of flux like other languages. If new words and new
expressions are created every day, "why should we confine ourselves to the official
language?" Since the 20s Taiwan writers during the Japanese occupation were liberal
in choosing their creative language. For instance, Zhang Wuojun used Pekinese; Lu Heruo
and Yang Kui used Taiwanese; some were good at adapting Japanese expressions. The
diversity of creative language reflected the writers?audacity in attempting the new.
Besides establishing the canon of vernacular literature, Taiwan writers actively
participated in the discourse of racial scale as a means of protest against the colonizers
during the Japanese occupation. At the turn of the century theories of racial scale were
popular in both Europe and Japan and became the basis of overseas colonization. For Japan,
it was a "war" of "justice" to civilize other "inferior"
nations in Asia in order to balance the overseas expansion of the
"superior"nations in Europe. Chinese scholars emphasized the improvement of the
"inferior" national character of the Chinese people, hoping that as a result
China would become a strong nation. On the other hand, Taiwan intellectuals tried to
offset the myth of racial scale. They believed that with equal opportunity for education
and financial advantages, Taiwanese as well as Japanese could equally excel, and that
there were no "superior" or "inferior" peoples.
The Taiwanese and vernacular controversy, the racial scale discourse, and the
"Literature of the homeland" (xiangtu wenxue) debate during the 20s and 30s
clearly indicated the surfacing of "Taiwan consciousness" into the mainstream.
The "uniqueness" of Taiwan culture used to be one of the core issues during the
Japanese occupation, as "writing the homeland" is today. How to construct the
"uniqueness" of Taiwan culture seems to be an everlasting question.
Keywords: literary canon racial scale writing the
homeland
proletarian art litterature coloniale national
character
牟宗三先生的哲學詮釋中之方法論問題
李 明 輝
提 要
眾所周知，牟宗三先生對中國哲學的詮釋深受西方哲學（尤其是康德哲學）之影響。他不但採用了康德哲學底若干重要概念（例如「智的直覺」、「自律」、「物自身」），也從康德那裏借用了「現象」與「物自身」底哲學間架。他甚至認為：這個間架是中西哲學共有的哲學間架，具有普遍的意義。有人認為他的哲學詮釋扭曲了康德底原意，也有人指摘他將中國哲學硬套入康德底哲學架構中。
本文首先檢討馮耀明先生從方法論底角度所提出的「概念相對論」，反駁他對於牟先生底哲學詮釋的質疑。其次，筆者根據牟先生底著作，勾勒出他的詮釋學原則。最後，筆者從西方詮釋學底脈絡闡明牟先生底詮釋學原則所涵的方法論意義，為他的哲學詮釋方法提出辯解。
The
Hermeneutical Problems in Mou Tsung-san's Philosophical Interpretation
Lee Ming-huei
Mou Tsung-san's interpretation of Chinese philosophy is
characterized by the influence of Western philosophy, especially that of Kant. In Mou's
interpretation he uses not only Kant𠏋 philosophical terms, such as "thing in
itself," "intellectual intuition," and "autonomy," but also
his philosophical framework of "appearance" and "thing in itself." Mou
even views this framework as the common model for all philosophical thinkings. His
interpretation of Chinese philosophy has been reproached for distorting Kant's "original"
philosophy; on the other hand, he has been criticized for reading too much Kant
into Chinese philosophy.
In this paper, I first defend Mou's philosophical interpretation against
the methodological criticism which appeals to Quine's "conceptual relativism."
Then I reconstruct Mou's hermeneutical principles according to his method of
philosophical interpretation, I try to give a justification for his approach.
Keywords:
Mou Tsung-san hermeneutics
philosophical interpretation conceptual relativism
羅整菴的經世思想與其政治社會背景
鍾 彩 鈞
提 要
整菴是明代程朱學派的代表人物，其思想固然沒有程朱的原創性，然而卻可說是程朱思想在明代政治社會的應用；而整菴對程朱思想的修正也可以說是和明代政治社會相調適的結果。為了救正程朱之學流於形式化虛偽化，他力主恢復程朱之學博文約禮的真精神。在政治上，他認為聖學與王政是合內外之道。他又關心法的問題，在尊重法的前提下，以道德、變通來救濟法之窮途。整菴處於家族制度漸次完備的時候，因此他的描述和理解，正反映出一個階段的面貌，以及理論上的建構。
整菴常在現實上運用理氣為一的觀念。政治環境、家庭遭遇有厚薄良窳，是氣；人須作道德的努力，則是理。氣的不齊只是短暫的，人只要真誠的努力，則理終將貫於氣，而有好的結果。
The Practical Thought of Lo Ch'in-shun and its Socio-Political
Background
Chung Tsai-Chun
Lo Ch'in-shun is a representative of the Ch'eng-Chu school in Ming Dynasty, whose
thought, though not so original as those of the Ch'engs and Chu, is more or less the
application of the latter's thought to the socio-political situation of Ming
dynasty. The modification Lo made to the Ch'engs' and Chu's thoughts also
aimed at adjustment to the Ming socio-political environment.
Lo Ch'in-shun urged the revitalization of the spirit of versality and ritual
practice ( p'o-wen yueh-li 博文約禮) characterized by the Chang-Chu school in
order to save the Chang-Chu ideas from formalism and hypocracy. In politics, he believed
that sage learning and kingship are the two sides of the same Way. He was also concerned
about the law. While respecting the law, he proposed to complement laws with morality and
elasticity. With regard to his discussion of family, Lo was at a time when the pre-modern
family institution was about to fully develop; his description and the theoretic
construction with respect to the family of that stage.
Lo Ch'in-shun often applied the idea of the unity of Principle and Material Force
to reality. He thought that the differences in happiness and misery between political
conditions and between families belong to Material Force, while that man should engage
themselves in moral efforts belongs to Principle. The difference in Material Force is not
final; by way of one𠏋 sincere efforts, Principle will direct Material Force and
eventually bring out good results.
Keywords: Lo Ch'i-shun Neo-Confucianism
Social and Political Thought
蕅益智旭思想的特質及其定位問題
陳 英 善
提
要
蕅益智旭（1599∼1655），乃明末清初之宗教思想家，由於其學說極為廣博，所涉及層面含括了佛教之禪、淨、律、密、教（包含天台、華嚴、唯識宗），可說集佛教諸宗諸派於一身。如此一位博學多聞、持戒護嚴、禪淨雙修的人物，其理論學說基礎何在？具備何種特質？此乃本文所探討之核心。且由於其涉獵層面極廣，導致學界對其定位有種種不同之看法，而欲釐清此紛爭，亦須由智旭思想本身著手。故本文分兩方面來探討，首先論述智旭思想之特質；進而探討智旭定位之問題。
就智旭思想特質而論，智旭思想基本上承自於唐宋以來的理體觀念，此觀念運之於觀行上，即是吾人現前一念心性。因此，本文是以理體論和心性說來闡述智旭思想特質。
就智旭定位問題而論，主要就一般之看法和聖嚴法師之研究來探討。然經筆者對智旭之研究，得知將智旭定位於某宗某派上，是有問題的。因此，針對此問題而加以析判之。
The Characteristics of Ou-yi Zhi-xu's Thought and an Appraisal of
his Status
Chen
Ying-shan
Ou-yi Zhi-xu (1599-1655) a religious thinker of the late Ming, early Qing
period, combined various Buddhist schools of thought and lineages to develop a religious
system of thought that incorporates Chan, Pureland, Vinaya, and Esoteric schools of
thought as well as Tientai, Huayan, and Yogacara. Given his erudition, adherence to
precepts, and the joint practice of both Chan and Pureland that Ou0yi Zhi-xu cultivated,
what then is the major underpinning of the system of thought which he developed? What
particular characteristics does this system have? These are two of the questions this
article wishes to address.
Owing to the fact that Ou-yi zhi-xu's system of thought is quite broad and
comprehensive in scope, this has led to a dispute among contemporary scholars as to the
position he holds vis-a -vis various Buddhist schools. In order to further contribute to
this discussion we must first look at Ou-yi Zhi-xu's own writings. Therefore, this
article will be divided into two sections. The first section will discuss the special
characteristics of Ou-yi Zhi-xu's thought while the second section will be devoted
to an appraisal of his status and position within Chinese Buddhism.
In discussing the characteristics of Ou-yi Zhi-xu's thought, it is apparent
that his way of thinking is based on the Tang and Song concept of Liti. This
concept is one Ou-yi Zhi-xu's employed in his practice through the use of Yi-nian xin (一念心)
(or concentrating the mind). Therefore this article will elaborate on Ou-yi Zhi-xu's
conception of litixin and xinxingshuo.
In examining Ou-yi Zhi-xu's position within Chinese Buddhism, emphasis will
be placed on discussing the assessment of his position by other scholars in the field,
especially the Venerable Master Sheng-yen. However, according to the research done by this
writer, positioning Ou-yi Zhi-xu vis a vis one school or lineage is indeed problematic.
Therefore, this article will address this problem and make a further analysis.
Keywords:
Liti Xinxing Shih-hsiang
姚際恆對《子貢詩傳》、《申培詩說》的批評
蔣 秋 華
提 要
明世宗嘉靖年間，突然出現《詩傳孔氏傳》與《申培詩說》二書，立即引起學者密切的關注，有人信以為真，為之傳刻，極力宣揚，並於著述中，加以引用；
有人則斥其為偽，全力的闢駁。此一公案，喧沸一時，直至清初，仍舊餘波蕩漾，招致不少學者來考定其真偽。姚際恆對於兩書，也有深入的探討，不僅考辨其真偽，又仔細地研究書中的內容，在自己的著作中，加以批評。本文選擇姚氏對《詩傳》、《詩說》二書的批評，作為討論的議題，一方面可以發現他的辨偽態度與方法，另一方面也可以瞭解他對前人解《詩》的評斷，對於認識姚際恆的學術，或許可獲見微知著的功效。
Yao Chi-hen on Tzu-kung Shih-chuan and
Shen P'ei
Shih-Shuo
Chiang
Ch'iu-hua
In the Chia-ching era of the Ming dynasty, Shih-chuan K'ung-shih chuan and
Shen P'ei shih-shuo had emerged all of a sudden. Both titles immediately attracted
the close attention of Confucian scholars. Those who took these discoveries as authentic
works not only reprinted and promoted them but also referred to them in their own
writings. Those who viewed them as forged texts, in contrast, tried as hard as they could
to refute the authenticity and validity of these two books. This matter had been so
stimulating that a number of scholars in the early Ching period still engaged themselves
in verifying these texts. Yao Chi-heng, among others, studied both books in depth. Apart
from authenticating these two texts, he examined their concrete contents with much care
and with critical comments. This author has chosen to unravel Yao's discussion of
both Tzu-kung shih-chuan and Shen p'ei shih-shuo. By disclosing Yao's
attitude towards and his approach to authentication as well as his views of earlier
interpretations of Shih, one may help better understand his scholarship as a
whole.
Keywords:
Yao Chi-heng Shih-chuan Shih-shuo
Shih-ching t'ung-lun
閱讀反應與彈詞小說的創作 －－清代女性敘事文學傳統建立之一隅
胡 曉 真
提 要
韻文體的「彈詞小說」在清代江南一帶的識字婦女間頗為流行，許多閨秀才女便選擇了此一文類來創作敘事文學。女性在閱讀與創作上熱烈參與，使得彈詞小說在象徵意義上與女性結下了不解之緣，而此一文類的接受與創作更成為必須考慮的文學史課題。
本文以清代四部女性創作的彈詞小說為例，由閱讀反應的觀點來追溯個別作品之間承續與抗衡互相糾葛的鎖鏈關係。《玉釧緣》一書接續《大、小金錢》的故事而發展；《再生緣》以為《玉釧緣》美中不足的結局續再世之緣為名，別開生面；《再造天》在人物情節上直接承繼《再生緣》，但在風格與意識形態上都故意與原作激烈抗衡
；至於《筆生花》一書，雖然在情節人物上與前三書並無直接聯繫，但是創作動機卻來自作者對《再生緣》一書的讀後反應。
這四部作品的糾結關係說明了當時閨秀閱讀與創作的特質。女性經由閱讀共同的作品而在心理上產生緊密的認同感，啟發進一步的創作。閱讀反應與創作之間的微妙關係，是女性敘事文學傳統的重要切入點，並使吾人得以細密觀察彈詞小說如何在各個作品的承續抗衡間不斷發展變異。
Reading Network and the Writing of Literary Tanci
Hu Siao-chen
Literary tanci, a form of narrative in verse originated from the tanci
performance, was well received among literate women from the Jiangnan area in the Qing.
Many so-called "talented women" dedicated many years of their life to writing
long tanci narratives, symbolically turning the genre into a "female form."
The present paper deals with four such examples of tanci narratives by
women-Yuchuan yuan, Zaisheng yuan, Zaizao tian and Bi sheng hua. These four
works are interactive and therefore form an internal network from the perspective of
reading. Yuehuan yuan swears to be its sequel while creating a totally different
world-view. Zaizao tian takes Zaisheng yuan up only to argue with it in both
form and content, whereas sensitive eye on human relationship.
The heritage of the four works indicates the close relationship between reading
and writing. Literary women developed a psychological sense of community through reading
the same texts, which further encouraged their desire to write. Tracing the dialogue
relation between reading and writing helps us not only grasp important glimpses of the
women𠏋 tradition of narrative, but closely examine the subtle transformation of literary
tanci from individual text to text.
Keywords: tanci women and literature reading
Yuchuan yuan
Zaisheng yuan Zaizao tian Bisheng hua
雜傳體志怪與史傳的關係 －－從文類觀念所作的考察
劉 苑 如
提 要
文類是在寫作歷史的發展過程中逐步形成的。由於它是語言、題材和功能交互作用的結果，一旦形成之後，也就獲得了相對的穩定性，作為一種把握現實生活的話語形式，自具有其「藝術的記憶」和「經久不衰」傾向，但它的話語活動也並不是封閉孤立的，而必須在整個社會文化的關聯域中完成與理解。
《隋書．經籍志》「史部雜傳類」中著錄有關幽異的作品，就有三十人種，另外語涉靈異的佛道作品亦有三十八種，實已囊括了六朝大部分的志怪作品，為現在可見最早的志怪書目。這樣的歸類雖在後代遭受嚴厲的質疑，不見得能概括後來志怪小說觀念的演進，卻保留了志怪文體發展上的重要里程，標誌出文類創作與文類閱讀間的辯證關係。本文即以這個歷史痕跡為起點，從作品形成的歷史淵源、文類功能和寫作規約，比較雜傳體志怪和史傳文的內在關係，如實地理解這個階段的志怪文體。
本文發現：雜傳體文類意識的形成，發生於史著創作的高原期，不僅在寫作形式上，借用了史傳以類相從的彙編方式，在思想形態上，也與史家羽翼經典的宗旨相符；相對於諸子論述，由於缺乏百家爭鳴的時代環境，創作日趨萎縮。因此，在志怪文體正式成立的此一階段，史傳應比諸子發揮了更直接和積極的作用。其次，就文類功能而言，由於實錄精神聯繫了史傳與雜傳創作的一脈關係，它們的資料來源都必須是客觀有據的，同時都是關乎人類行為的善惡之跡，以資後人「寓褒貶、標勸戒」；但雜傳對於「真實」
的認知，並不限於現實的此界，為未為人知的世界預留了拓展的空間。就文類規範而言，雜傳體挾著「雜」之名，發展出獨特的書寫成規，像是異於侯王觀點的多元敘述觀點、怪異主題意識和兩重空間的對立思考等，絕對有別於正史傳記，不過在文類的支配性規範上，仍保持史類作品題旨動機高於故事動機的特徵。可見雜傳體志怪作為史傳衍生的一種文體，巧妙地融合瑣碎多變的怪異題材與傳真務實的寫作態度，此種新興的話語形式，在傳承與新變中生動地標誌出六朝人的精神意態。
The Comparison between the Zi-guai of the Za-zhuan
and the Shi-zhuan: an Iquiry of Genre
Liu
Yuan-ju
It has always been disputable whether the zhi-guai attributed to
the zazhuan (the miscellaneous records) ought to be listed as the shibu (shi
collections). Cataloguing involves competition among the different fields of
knowledge. Therefore, we should not simplify the issue as a yes-or-no question, but treat
it as the result of intertextuality among these works. I propose to inquire into the case
in three ways: to trace the genetics of the zazhuan, to probe the inner relation
between the zazhuan and the shi-zhuan (historical biography), and to compare
the conventions of the two genres. First, we find that the zazhuan appropriate the
Chinese historiography, as filing the documents. Second, there are three common features:
the common principle of thought (zuenjing, following the classic), the common
function of expounding the classic (yu-yi-jingdian), and the common spirit of shi-lu
(recording veritably). However, the zazhuan is a different genre from the shizhuan.
It is proved by the unique character of the zazhuan, including the multi-perspetive
narration, theme of the 㺸ther,?which is resulted from the zeitgeist of the Six Dynasty.
Keywords: za-zhuan (the miscellaneous records) genre
the spirit of shi-lu (the spirit of recording veritably)
multi-perspective narration theme of the "other" |
