|
Number 4 march 1994
| A Discussion of Chungkuo Shang Ku-shih, Revised Edition (II) |
Ch'en
P'an |
| Summary of "Annotation and Commentary on T'ao Yuan-ming 's 'Appraisals for
a Painting upon a Fan' " |
Wang Shu-min |
| Poetry, Politics, and Courtesans: Anew Interpretation of Chou Pang-yen's Lyric Lan
ling Wang |
Chow Tse-tsung
|
| The Lu-shih Ch'un-ch'iu 呂氏春秋 and Tsou Yen's
鄒衍 Theory of the
Five Rotatory Ascendants (Wu Hsing 五行) |
.D.C. Lau |
| Writing Style of the Chivalrous-Criminal Novels in Ching
China |
Wang Erh-min |
| Summary of "A Trial Discussion of Sun Kuang-hsien's (900?-968) Four 'Yang liu chih'
(Poplar and Willow Branch) Poems" |
Chang Yi-jen |
| On Huang Taung-hsi's Concept of Literature |
Chang Heng |
| A Summary of "The 'Principle of Naming' (名理) and 'Principles of the Abstruse' (玄理) in the Thought of Chi K'ang"
(嵇康) |
Tai Lian-chang |
| The Buddha-nature Teaching of Ching-ying Hui-yüan |
Liu Ming-wood |
| The Structural Significance of the Metamorphosis Mythology
in Pre-Ch'in －A Study of "The Ordinary and the Extraordinary" |
Lee Fong-mao |
| Summary of "An Analysis and Discussion of Ho K'ai's
Shih-ching shih-pen ku-i" |
Lin Ch'ing-lung |
| Reflections on the Research of the Ssu-k'u Studies |
Yang Chin-lung |
| Silent Love: Shen Congwen's "The Shaman's Love |
Peng
Hsiao-yen |
| Wang Yang-ming's Doctrine of the Unity of Moral Knowledge and Action in the
Light of Kant's Practical Philosophy |
Lee Ming-huei |
| A Study of the General Principles of the Ch'eng Brothers' Theory of Morality and
Cultivation |
Chung Tsai-chun |
| Two Methods of Transformation of the Body in Ancient China |
Yang Rur-bin |
| A Reappraisal of Wang Fu-chih's Thought on Nationalism |
Chu
Ron-guey |
| The Relations Between the "Situational Presentation" and the "Plot
Development" in the Masterpieces of the Ming and Qing Chuanqi Drama |
Wang Ay-ling |
中國古史論稿商榷別錄(二)
陳 槃
提 要
《中國古史論》其中有可以提出，予更深入之議者，例如：(一)謂漢人已不知有方相毆墓鬼之故；(二)晉國的初封在晉陽(
今山西太原縣壯)。其實在翼（今山西縣城）；(三)本來政權皆出自最初的神權，所以史所記載的事，在原則上皆與宗教有關。槃案：春秋時代，理性程度，已達甚高甚深之境界，不可仍以古初之宗教念限之，當今別觀之；(四)史的最初職務，固與祝、宗、卜各官相近，但兼官則在東遷以後，汪容甫之說不誤。(五)魯國仲、孫湫說：「魯猶乘周禮，並且姬姓各國所用的方式，大略相同……相類似，就是一個好的明證。實則以秋而言。蓋各國並同，不限於姬姓。(六)彤伯究為姒姓？抑姬姓？抑或本為姒姓；周滅以封同姓？今皆無以證明之，並參存焉可也。(七)父子封地不同，故號稱亦異。(八)「楚材晉用」,楚令尹子木亦以為然。(九)事主不定一主，從來有之。(十)戰國時封君，如子弟無功，則不能及三世。如有功則亦可及三世。(十一)孔子以前，小人亦有受教育的機會。(十二)古史官掌禮，孔子之說是。(十三)亡國、易代，則曩之貴族，大都皆夷為庶民、卿大夫，以罪謫而破家、墜氏者，其結果亦與亡國同。(十四)周之告朔是一事，而各國用之與否，又是一事。(十五)據孔子之言，則君子、小人之分以德性、言行，不以知識。(十六)古代君子之稱，不限於大君（天子）、邦君。(十七)《周禮》雖為戰國時代之產品，然不無兩周時代之遺辭、賸義。
A Discussion of Chungkuo Shang
Ku-shih, Revised Edition (II)
Ch'en P'an
There are hundreds of matters brought up within A Draft Essay on
Ancient Chinese History which could have been discussed in another depth.
For example, it states that:
1) "Han Chinese did not know the story of the Fan-hsiang ou-mu ghost."
2) The state of Chin's original enfeoffment was located at Chin-yang (north of
present-day Tai-yuan county, Shanghsi).－ But in actual fact, it was located at yi
(present-day Yi-ch'eng county, Shanhsi).
3) All political power originated from primordial forms of spiritual power, so
that the matters recorded by the shi (史 scribes ) were all in principle related to
religion, -Yet by the Ch'un-ch'iu era the level of rationality had already attained to a
rather high and profound state, we must not continue to limit it within the bounds of such
primordial religious concepts, but should rather view it in a separate light.
4) To be sure, the earliest occupation of the shi was closely related to those of
the chu (祝), tsung (宗) ( sacrificial experts), and bu (卜) (prognosticator)
officials, however, the amalgamation of these offices took place only after the move of
the capital eastward (770 B.C.). The explanation of Wang Rongfu is not in error after all.
5) "Chung-sun Chiu of the said State of Lu still upholds the ritual of Chou,
moreover, the methods employed by the various states of the Chi surname were generally
alike.…mutually similar. This is a convincing piece of evidence." But in
fact, as far as the Ch'un-ch'iu period is concerned, such similitude probably extended to
all of the states rather than being limited to those of the Chi surname.
6) Was the Earldom of T'ung after all of the Ssu surname, later to be enfeoffed
upon its extermination at the hands of Chou to someone of the same surname as the latter?
At present there is no way to prove any of these, and we should be allowed to maintain the
possibility of each of the three.
7) Fathers and sons were enfeoffed to separate places, and thus their
appellations were different as well.
8) "The resources of Ch'u find their application in Chin" (Tso
chuan, Hsiang 26)-even the commander of Ch'u himself thought this to be case.
9) Service to a lord was not restricted to a single master-this had always been
true.
10) Lordships enfeoffed in the Warring States period could not be extended tohte
third generation if one's sons or brothers had earned no merit, but could be
extended to the third generation if they had.
11)Ever prior to the time of Confucius, the "petty man" had the
opportunity to receive education.
12) The ancient shi official presided over ritual matters. Confucius was
correct in his explanation.
13) When a state was lost, or there was a change in dynasties, the former
nobility would generally all be lowered to the status of commoners. A similar outcome was
in state for those ch'ing (卿) or ta-fu (大夫) ministers who brought
ruin to their estates or clans because of the exposition of some crime they committed.
14) The Chou's "Announcement of the Lunar Beginning" (Ku-shuo)
is one thing, but whether or not each of the various states made use of it is another.
15) According to the saying of Confucius, the distinction between the nobleman
and the petty man was based upon virtue, speech, and conduct, rather than upon knowledge.
16) The appellation of chun-tzu (nobleman) in ancient times was not
limited to the Great Lork (Son of Heaven) and the lords of states.
17) Although the Chou Li ( Ritual of Chou) was a product of the Warring
States period, it is not altogether lacking in words and meanings carried over from both
the Western and Eastern Chou periods.
陶淵明〈扇上畫贊〉箋證
王 叔 岷
提 要
本〈贊〉箋證，係據宋李公煥《箋註》本為底本，其要點如次：
1. 校釋字句之異同。
2. 補訂前人校注之缺失。
3. 增益本人之創見。
4. 以陶公之詩文互證。
Summary of
"Annotation and Commentary on T'ao Yuan-ming's 'Appraisals for a Painting upon a Fan'
"
Wang Shu-min
This annotation and commentary upon "Appraisals" takes the
annotated edition of Li Kung-huan of the Sung dynasty as its basic manuscript, and its
main features are as follows:
1) It collates and explicates discrepancies among words and phrases.
2) It fills-in the omissions and rectifies the errors in the collations and annotations
of former scholars.
3) It adds to these my own original opinions.
4) It makes use of both T'ao's poetry and prose for the purpose of reciprocal
demonstration.
詩歌．黨爭．與歌妓：
周邦彥〈蘭陵王〉詞考釋
周 策 縱
提 要
周邦彥（1056-1121）常受譽為詞之集大成者。其詞以「沈鬱頓挫」見長。〈蘭陵王〉是他最著名的代表作之一。作者認為此詞的主格未明顯說出，及動詞的時態變化多端，為造成這種特長的主要因素。
本文否定此詞為「客中送客」之作；認為是詩人自紀其離開汴京的作品。過去都以為這詞是徽宗重和元年（1118），清真六十三歲離京北去真定府（今河北正定）任知府時，或先一年任大晟樂府提舉時所作；本文則認定係哲宗元祐二年（1087）二月清真三十二歲時，由太學學正被貶教授廬州（今安徽合肥），先返老家錢（今浙江杭州），由汴河乘船離京，在途中所作。因為詞中所說「望人在天北」的「人」實是指留京的故人；詞中所明是水程，去真定則係陸路；且詞中說「登臨望故國（故鄉），」真定則故鄉方向相反。
至於被貶離京的原因，則由於神宗於元豐八年（1085）去世，舊黨得勢，清真雖與黨爭無直接關係，但於其〈汴都賦〉中曾抨擊過太學在舊黨下的缺失，頌揚過革新派的成就；且舊黨得勢後，其太學中的上司即排斥支持新黨人士，清真自當受波及。再方面本文詳細說明，太學附近有許多妓館，清真與歌妓往來密切。此在宋代雖亦尋常，但官吏留宿妓館則為法令所禁。而清真詞中透露確曾留宿過妓館。此當引起干涉，與所愛之歌妓只好脫離。詞中正流露這種悲怨的感情。
本文最後分析詞中所述寒食節前離京的真情實景。解釋詞的名句「斜陽冉冉春無極」的含義，指出其擅長運用傳統詩歌語言，達成「累積的無限之意境」。
Poetry, Politics, and
Courtesans: A new Interpretation of Chou Pang-yen's Lyric Lan-ling Wang
Chow Tse-tsung
Chou Pang-Yen (A.D.1056-1121) has often been regarded as the best tz's
poet of the Sung dynasty. Wang kuo-wei called him "the Tu Fu of the tz's
poetry" Ch'en T'ing-cho (1853-1892) thought that Chou's lyrics had
the excellent quality of "profundity and peripety" (ch'en-yü tun-ts'o).
This article compares such qualities with the Aristotelian concepts suggested in the Poetics.
It attributes Chou's achievements partly to the characteristics of the Chinese
classical language, partly to the characteristics of the Chinese classical language,
particularly lack of inflection.
Because of these characteristics, the question of who the speaker is in the lyric
Lan-ling Wang makes it seem obscure, and the tense of the verbs therein
is somewhat confusing. But after a close reading of the text, the article concludes that
the lyric is actually a description of the poet's departure from the Sung capital,
Pienliang ( modern Hangchow of Chekiang ) in the south, when he was compelled to leave the
office in the Imperial College in the spring of 1087 at the age of 31. It was not written
when he left for Chenting ( modern Chengting of Hopei) in the north at age of 62, has as
has been suggested by all major contemporary scholars on tz's poetry.
Furthermore, the verbs in the lyric, as the article points out, appear in most
varied tense, which make the images in the lyric more complex than the use of a singular
tense. And the technique specifically effects the impression of tun-ts'o侊.
The article goes on to try to establish the fact that Chou left the Imperial
College because, after Emperor Jen-tsung died in A.D1085, conservative political forces
rose to power, and many officials associated with Wang An-shih's (1021-1086) reforming
group were at the time, in a long rhapsody (fu) presented to the throne in 1083,
he criticized the earlier conservative influences upon the educational and intellectual
circles and praised the achievements of the reform. During the power changeover after the
Emperor's death, Chou's major superior in the College, an opportunist, purged the
reform supporters severely. Chou must have been a victim of such a situation.
On the other hand, when Chou was a student during 1079-1083 and later served as a
supervisory faculty member during 1084-1086 at the College, he definitely had close
relations with singing and romantic tz's songs about his relations with them. The
article include a detailed study of the College's location in the capital to show that the
school was near a most luxurious area with numerous pleasure lyricist, songwriter, and
musician, Chou naturally developed intimate relations with possibly the best of
courtesans. While such relationships were quite common in Sung China, it was forbidden for
an official to stay overnight at a courtesan𠏋 house. From what he said in one of his
lyrics, Shao-nien yu, Chou obviously committed this kind of offense and,
consequently, became vulnerable to attackers. He must have been compelled to cease
relations with a beloved courtesan and to leave the capital, where he had stayed for eight
years. In a letter to a friend written prior to his departure, Chou mentioned that his
life had been in danger. Without taking all the above personal adversities into
consideration, Lan-ling Wang may not be fully understood.
In the last section, the article explains how the poet skillfully employed
well-chosen poetic vocabulary loaded with "accumulated" images and metaphors
inherited from the long Chinese literary tradition, in order to create maximum aesthetic
effects.
《呂氏春秋》與鄒衍的
五行說
劉 殿 爵
提 要
鄒衍的五德終始說（亦即五行說）應用在兩方面。一是朝代的興替；二是四時的更代。《呂氏春秋．應同》論朝代興替即采用鄒衍五行說，這點學者已多十論列，王夢鷗教授論之尤詳。尚待探討的是〈月令〉所載一年四時的更代是否根據鄒衍說。本文從五行四時的關係著手。論者多以為五行與四時直接相配，但原來應是四時與四方，五行則與五方或五位相配。五行與四時的相配是通過五方或五位的，最初相配未能完全整齊劃一，這是顯而易見的。但更重要的是實行並無一致的模式。在土與中央相配的過程中，在〈月令〉裡，土在一年之中不佔任何時間。到了《淮南子．時則》才把夏季最後一個原屬火的六月撥歸土。《淮南子》這個處理辦法似乎和鄒衍說一致。可見〈月令〉在處理五行與四時關係時采取與鄒衍不同的手法。
The Lü-shih
Ch'un-ch'iu
呂氏春秋 and Tsou Yen's
鄒衍 Theory of the Five Rotatory Ascendants (Wu Hsing
五行)
D. C. Lau
Tsou Yen's theory of the Cylcle of the Five Virtues ( 五德 ) in other
words, the Five Rotatory Ascendants, has two applications. In the first instance, it
applies to the succession of dynasties. In the second, it applies to the seasons of the
year. That the "Ying-tung" 應同 chapter of the Lü-shih ch'un-ch'iu
has incorporated the former application has been shown by previous scholars, particularly
Professor Wang Meng-ou 王夢鷗. What remains to be investigated is whether the "Yüeh-ling"
月令 represents the latter application. The investigation approaches the problem through
the correlation of the Five Ascendants with the Four Seasons, and although it is commonly
assumed that they were directly correlated, this paper argues that originally the Four
Seasons were correlated with the Four Seasons, and although it is commonly assumed that
they were directly correlated, this paper argues that originally the Four Seasons were
correlated with the Four Positions (四方) and the Five Ascendants with the Five
Positions (五方, 五位). The Five Ascendants were, then, superimposed on to the Four
Positions and in turn on to the Four Seasons through the mediation of the Five Positions.
This can be seen from the lack of any attempt at integrating the two. For us, what is more
important is the lack of uniformity in the practice. T'u (土, earth )
which is correlated with chung-yang (中央, centre) is not given a peroid of time of its
own in the "Yüeh-ling" whereas in the "Shih-tze" 時則 of the Huai-nan-tzu
淮南子, the last month of summer is taken from huo (火, fire) and given to t'u.
There is some evidence Yen advocated. Thus the "Yüeh-ling" seems to have
followed a method somewhat different from that followed by Tsou Yen in the correlation of
the wu hsing with the Four Seasons.
清代公案小說之撰著風格
王 爾 敏
提 要
中國公案小說創生於宋代，繁盛於明代，惟至情代又有開新發展，不同於前代。在撰著風格上
實有特殊開展：其一，公案小說中主人向由一清官居全局重心。明代以來包公、海公便是。清代雖以施公、彭公定書名，其真正主角為三班皂隸、草時莽漢。其二，前代公案小說重形律問案之複雜過程、平反冤獄之超卓明斷。清代公案小說則特重緝捕土豪大盜之驚險惡鬥，詳敘各路英雄之義節勇烈。其三，清代公案小說更將說書藝術，文字本事，與戲劇表達結合成三重藝術交織之有機體，三項不藝術形式，藉公案小說為聯接主軸，而分投展現於庶民社會，賦予人人們深刻印象，足以使之造成不少特殊人物典型，其人物如黃三太、黃天霸、楊香武、計全、朱光祖、勝奎、歐陽德、褚彪、竇爾敦、九花娘，均具鮮明典型。在世人心目中何讓於孫悟空、豬八戒、武松、林沖、李逵、魯智深、賈寶玉、林黛玉、潘金蓮、西門慶。
Writing Style of the
Chivalrous-Criminal Novels in Ching China
Wang Erh-min
Chinese chivalrous-criminal novels were created in Sung Dynasty and
prospered in Ming, still in Ching Dynasty, however, we found a new creation and
development. There are some difference from predecessors.
Firstly, the principal characters had turned from officials of integrity to
government clerk and people of rustic origins. Secondly, the main theme of these novels in
earlier times are the complex process of punishment examining and taking affidavits, but
in Ching period, eminent reversing of wrongly accused and shocking fight with the bandit
are the most important part of these novels, and also the heroic chivalrous chastity of
people. Thirdly, the chivalrous-criminal novels, written language skill and dramatic
expression.
These three art postures mentioned above have had united by chivalrous-criminal
novels and had projected influence to all readers to figure out some special typical
personalities of which quite equal to those novels?of previous times.
試論孫光憲的四首
〈楊柳枝〉
張 以 仁
提 要
前人對孫光憲〈楊柳枝〉四詞，評論優劣，頗不齊一。然皆認識不周所致。
本文分析其時〈楊柳枝〉之習慣寫法，掌握其擬人興感要點，以第三詞為鑰，試啟假設之門；復考究孫氏生平，探索其內心世界，以與四詞比照，自其表象，深入肌理，更輔以其他作品如〈浣溪沙〉，為之襯托，終於突顯四詞為連章之作，實係孫氏個人身世心情之托詠，其所擬者，乃孫氏本人，與舊作慣擬美人名士者迥不相同，此點係本文之創發，前人皆未見及。
孫氏詞作，言情之外，更及詠史、弔古、寫景、詠物、邊塞、人物各方面，其範圍之廣，實冠《花間》諸家。復能在立意上推陳出新、化腐為奇，四詞之外，他作多有之，學者宜深索細品也。
Summary of "A Trial Discussion of Sun
Kuang-hsien's (900?-968) Four 'Yang liu chih'(Poplar and Willow Branch) Poems"
Chang Yi-jen
The assessments of former scholars toward the quality of Sun Kuang-hsien's
four tz'u𠌊 poems, "Yang liu chih," have been rather varied, Yet
this is all the result of their differences in recognition.
This essay analyzes the practiced writing technique employed during the writing
of the "Yang liu chih" poems, and takes hold of the essential points by
which they use imagery to convey human sentiments. Taking the third poem as its key, it
attempts to open the door to further conjecture. It next makes an examination into Sun's
life, searching into the interior realm of his mind, so as to provide a point for
reflecting upon the four poems, and to try move beyond their surface images and penetrate
into the depths at their internal order. It further brings in some of his other works,
such as "Huan his sha," so as to provide a bit of contrast through which
the four poems are ultimately brought into sharp relief and revealed to constitute a work
in the form of connected sections (lien-chang). They in fact turn out to be a poetic
expression of the life and sentiments of the author, what they personify is none other
than Sun himself. In this they are completely different from his previous works, in which
he was accustomed to personifying beautiful women and famous men. This last point is the
original finding of this essay, no previous scholars have taken notice of it.
Aside from those among Sun's tz'u poems that give expression to
sentiments, there are also many which touch upon such diverse areas as odes upon
historical events, eulogies of antiquity, depictions of scenery, his breadth of scope, Sun
truly ranks at the top of all the Hua-chien poets. He was further able to set forth ideas
by making new use of what is old and transforming the hackneyed into the marvelous, this
is the case not only with the four poems, but with many of his other works as well.
Students of poetry should examine them in depth and evaluate them carefully.
試從黃宗羲的思想詮釋其文學視界
張 亨
提 要
黃宗羲（1610-1695）是明末清初的大儒。一般比較重視他在思想和史學方面的成就，像《明夷待訪錄》及《明儒學案》等書。實際上他對文學方面也有卓越的貢獻。他編選了《明文案》，後來擴充為《明文海》達四百八十二卷，保存了不少文學資料。他的文章在當時就負盛名，特別是他對文學本質有深邃的洞察和廣闊的視野，是許多文論家所不及的。本文試從他的思想淵源與主要立論來檢視他批評詩文的識見並探討他的文學觀。
1.黃宗羲不像大多數儒者一樣把文看成載道的工具，而認為文與道合一。所謂文以載道還是把文與道當成兩回事。實際上文是從道中流出，凡道之形於言詞的都是文。所以文就是道。這一方面升了文的價值，文獨立自存，不是工具。一方面擴大了文的意義和範圍，經史諸子乃至理學家種思想性的著作莫不是文，不僅文章家的作品才是文。這種觀點跟他的思想有密切的關係。
2.黃宗羲的思想幾乎都出於他的老師劉蕺山。大致可說是陸王心學一系，而略有異同。基本上都肯定「心即理」及「心外無物」之說，不過，為救正王學末流之弊，他們比較偏重理跟氣合一不分的關係。黃宗羲所謂「盈天地間皆心也」固然預設了理在吾心，卻也涵著氣的無窮變化在內。這樣形成的是一個心與理氣結合竹意義結構，我與萬物渾然一。而就人的自身言，離情無以見姓，性與情也不可析。因惻隱、羞惡、恭敬、是非之發而義禮智之名。只是所謂「喜怒哀樂之未發」的怒哀樂專四德而言，與散而為七情的情之變則有所不。這其實是把某種情提到性的位置，性也不僅僅只是理而已。
3.從整體來說，「文章者，天地之元氣也。」所謂元氣是寓有理的氣。這氣受到壓抑遏阻發而為文就成為天地為之動的至文。黃宗羲在論詩的時候更特別強調性情為詩的本質。不過，有個人一時之情，因其遭際，觸景感物而發；有萬古之性情，則指惻隱不安之性。後者是道德意識的具體呈顯。所以是前者所不及。
4.詩人的性情是美感經驗的本質和泉源。透過詩人的性情才使自然宇宙結成為美感世界，也揭露了宇宙真實。這真實同時是美感的也是道德的。而文學的究極意義與此真實為同一。
5.黃宗羲基於這種對性情的理解和尊重，情感的真摯深度就成為他論詩文的準則。從而極力反對模擬虛矯的風氣與宗派門戶的狹陋，不僅痛惡李夢陽不能入情。而對歸有光的文章則稱許其一往清深。凡情之至者，街談巷語，遊女田夫之作，都是最有價值的文學作品。
6.黃宗羲身經家國破亡之慘變，感懷特別深刻，其論詩文性情主張，真切動人，一如從肺腑中流出，所以不是因循前人成說。而他以文與道合一，經術，理學，文章甚至修身工夫視為一體而不可分，都是道所流注。可以說是從儒學整體來論文最弘闊而深人的識見。
On Huang Tsung-hsi's Concept of Literature
Chang Heng
Huang Tsung-hsi (1610-1695) was an eminent scholar of the Ming and Ch'ing
Dynasties. Best known for his accomplishment in Confucian thought and history. He also
achieved greatly in literature. This paper will examine how his views on poetry and prose
writing, as well as his concept of literature, grew our of his philosophical thinking.
1.Huang Taung-hsi unlike most Confucian scholars who viewed literature as a
vehicle to convey the Way (tao), considered the Word (wen) and the Way to be one. So
conceived, literature has a higher position, and is no longer just a vehicle; the meaning
and scope of literature is expanded to include classics, histories, and philosophical
writings. Literature is no longer restricted to imaginative texts.
2.Huang Tsun-hsi's philosophical thinking was mostly drawn from his teacher Liu
Ch'i-shan (1578-1645). Huang, as Liu, placed special emphasis on the inseparability of
Principle (li) and material force form a (ch's). To Huang Tsung-hsi, Principle and
material force from a significant unity, in which the self and the myriad of things are
one. For human beings nature (hsing) can only become manifest through feelings (ch'ing),
for the two are inseparable.
3.In Huang Tsung-hsi's comments on poetry, he particularly stresses that
nature (hsing) and feelings (ch'ing) are the essence of poetry. But he lays an emphasis
upon a constant feeling of commiseration that dwells in one's nature. It is through
the poet's nature and feelings that the universe becomes beautiful, and its truth is
disclosed. This truth of the universe is therefore both aesthetic and moral. The ultimate
meaning of literature is identical with this truth.
4.Since Hung Tsun-hsi lived through the collapse of the Ming Dynasty, he was
deeply sensitive to human vicissitudes. Therefore, his concept of literature arose from
his views of human nature and feelings, and seemed to be a spontaneous overflowing of
conventions and traditions. He insisted on the unity of the Word and the Way, and saw the
study of the classics, the Principle, literature, and self-cultivation as an inseparable
whole, all being derived from the Way. Therefore, Huang Tsung-hsi's concept of
literature is the most profound and open-minded of all those Confucian scholars who
pondered the meaning of literature.
嵇康思想中的名理與玄理
戴 璉 璋
提 要
本文討論嵇康思想中的名珀與玄理。嵇氏善於論辯，在名理方面，他對於思辨的理則與推理的方法都有所講究。關於前者，他討論的問題涉及盾律、排中律以及充足條件；關於後者，他運用的方法有推類辨物及辨名析理。筆者一一舉其實例，加以分析說明。嵇氏師法老、莊，在玄理方面，他是通過性命自然、和聲無象來體證的；並且有一種根源於個性的釋私無措的工夫論作為體證的指引。筆者除就上述各項加以辨析闡釋外，還特別指出嵇氏在玄理思想中的特殊貢獻，即充分發揮自然之和的義蘊。他的〈養生論〉、〈聲無哀樂論〉以及〈釋私論〉，都是基於這一自然之和而契悟玄理，而有超拔於流浴的睿識的。
通過嵇氏的名理，進而探究其玄理，不但有助於解讀《嵇康集》中的一些重要論文，而且對於嵇氏那種重辯而又嚮往無辯的生命情調也可有一完整的認識。
A Summary of "The
'Principle of Naming'(名理) and 'Principles of the
Abstruse'(玄理) in the Thought of Chi K'ang"(嵇康)
Tai Lian-chang
This essay discusses the "principles of naming" (名理) and the
"principles of the abstruse" (玄理) in the thought of Chi K'ang (嵇康224-263).
Chi K'ang was skilled at debating, and on the side of the "principles of
naming," he paid rather close attention to both the logic of speculation and methods
of reasoning. Concerning the former, he discussed such questions as the law of
contradiction, the law of the excluded-middle, and sufficient conditions. Concerning the
latter, the methods he employed included discerning things through analogical reasoning (推類辨物)
and analyzing principles by distinguishing names (辨名析理). The author cites examples
for each case, followed by analysis and explanation.
Chi K'ang took Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu as his models for emulation, and on the
side of "principles of the abstruse," he arrived at his understanding on the
strength of his notions of the 𦽳pontaneity of human nature" (性命自然) and that
"harmonious sounds express nothing" (和聲無象). He further had a kind of
theory of self-cultivation based upon the individual's release of self to serve s guidance
for such understanding and demonstration. Aside from giving analysis and elucidation to
each of the above items. The Author points out in particular the unique contribution which
Chi K'ang made within the world of thought on "principles of the abstruse," that
is, to bring into full play the deep implication of "spontaneous harmony" (自然之和).
His "Essay on the Nurturing of Life," "Essay on Sounds Carry Neither Sorrow
nor Joy," and Essay on the Release of Self" a11 reveal a comprehension of the
"principles of the abstruse" based upon this notion of spontaneous harmony, and
hence a profound recognition which far surpasses that of he common lot.
Such an examination of Chi K'ang's "principles of naming," fo1lowed by
that of his "principles of the abstruse," should help us not on1y in our
understanding of some of the important essays in the "Chi K'ang Collection," but
should also allow us to gain a complete recognition of Chi K'ang's disposition toward
life, which is such that at once both emphasizes argumentation while yet inclining towards
its absence.
淨影寺慧遠的佛性學說
廖 明 活
提 要
「佛性」觀念是在東晉末年（五世紀初），因著大乘《涅槃經》譯出，而開始在中國受到注意；並且在南北朝時代（五、六世紀），隨著《涅槃經》日益流行，成為廣受關注的佛教思想課題。當時有關「佛性」的討論，基本上是環繞三個重點展開：(1)「佛性」一辭的涵義、(2)「眾生有佛性」這說法的意義、(3)是否一切眾生都有佛性的問題。淨影寺慧遠(523-597)是南北朝末葉的重要佛教思想家，在其著名作品《大乘義章》裡，有專章討論佛性的課題。本文根據這章的立論，探討慧遠於上述三個重點所持的觀點，並申析慧遠在佛性的體狀、佛性學說的來意等有關佛性的問題上表達的意見。
The Buddha-nature
Teaching of Ching-ying Hui-yüan
Liu Ming-wood
The idea "Buddha-nature" first became popular in China in the
early fifth century with the translation of the Mahayana Mahapari-nirvana-sutra. Since
then, a variety of theses have been propounded by Chinese Buddhist thinkers on several
aspects of the ideal. Ching-ying Hui-yuan (523一597) was a prominent Buddhist thinker of
the late sixth century, and an exegete and lecturer of high calibre. In his central work,
the Ta-ch'eng I-chang, he devoted an entire chapter to the exposition of the Buddha-nature
idea. Basing mainly on the discussion in this chapter, this paper tries to examine
Hui-yuan's view on a number of questions which interested the Buddha-nature theorists of
his time. These questions include:
1. What is the meaning of the term "Buddha-nature?"
2. What are the distinctive characteristics of "Buddha-nature?"
3.What do the Buddhist scriptures mean when they assert that sentient beings possess
Buddha-nature?
4. Does every sentient being possess Buddha-nature?
5.What function does the Buddha-nature idea serve?
先秦變化神話的結構性意義----一個「常與非常」觀點的考察
李 豐 楙
提 要
在中國古代神話中，凡有生物變化和變化神話都相信物類之間可以互相變化，如腐草化為螢或女娃化為精衛鳥之類，本篇論文針對這些變化，分別從語言學討論種、類兩個關鍵字的造字本義，進一步從同類相生即為生、產;非類相生即為變、化，前者是「常」態的生命蕃衍的方式，而後者則是非常的生命狀態。從先秦到兩漢，名實論從認識論、從邏輯思惟的觀點，討論「化」為生命變化形體的形式，主要的討論材料就是以生物變化作為例證，論證它為生命的型態，如墨辯學派、荀子正名篇;而氣化論者則從神話思惟、從氣的變化說明物類可以突破種類的限制，改變形體，成為另一種形式而延續生命。不過這是特別針對非常態的情況，也就是非自然的生命終結，如鯀之被殛死、瑤姬之未行
(未婚)
而死等，它是一種與自然、正常的死亡不同的終結方式。在這種神話思惟中隱喻著中國人對於非常死亡者的集體意識。對於凶死者的畏懼與彌補、對於死後無可憑依的冤魂也讓它有形體可依。本論文從靈魂觀、憑依說解說變化的意義，證實它是非常觀的生命型態。
The Structural Significance of
the Metamorphosis Mythology in Pre-Ch'in ---A Study of "The Ordinary and the
Extraordinary"
Lee Fong-mao
In the Ancient Chinese mythology, both the human and the non-human
metamorphosis mythologies believe that different kinds or species of beings are
interchangeable, such as the decayed grass' transforming into a firefly of Nu-wa's
transforming into the Ching-wei bird. Aiming at these metamorphoses, this paper attempts
to explore the original meaning of the two key words, chung (species) and lei (kind), from
the linguistic point of view, and analyse further that the "bearing" or
"producing" from the same kind of beings is sheng (bear) or ch'an (produce), and
that the "interchange" between different species of beings are bien (change) or
hua (transform). While the former refers to the way of multiplying for the
"ordinary" state of life, the latter designates the extraordinary living state,
From Pre-Ch'in to Han, taking the nonhunman metamorphosis as their evidences, the School
of Logicians, such as the Schools of Mo-tzu and Hsun-tzu (for example, in the
"Cheng-ming" chapter), interpreted hua as the from of metamorphosis from the
epistemological and the logical standpoints, arguing that hua is a life form. On the
other, hand, basing on tbe mythological thinking and the transformation of ch'i
(vitality), those who dvocated the ch'i-hua (the cosmic process basing on an air-like
matter) theory explicated that things may break the limit of species and kinds to
transform their bodies into other kinds of forms to continue their lives, However, as an
extraordinary condition, that is, an unnatural ending of life like Kun's execution,
Yao-chi's remaining unmarried till death, etc., the hua is an ending way different from
natural ordinary death. Within this type of mythological thinking, there exist metaphors
for the Chinese collective consciousness, men's fear and compensation for the dead, and
the belief in reliable body for the wandering wronged soul after death. By the concept of
soul and soul's attaching to different lift forms for continuation, this paper explicates
the significance of metamorphosis to prove that it is an extraordinary state of life.
何楷《詩經世本古義》析論
林 慶 彰
提 要
本文論述重點如下：其一，今傳何氏的傳記資料相當簡略，僅知他精通經學，做官時常常糾彈大臣。最重要的著作是《詩經世本古義》。其二，《詩經世本古義》，將《詩經》三百五篇打散，分成二十八時世，並用二十八星宿來命名。每一時世內之詩篇，何氏皆重訂其詩旨。其三，何氏將《詩經》的詩篇依時世，加以編排，為了證成他自己的說法，不惜牽引很多史實；
有時不免牽強附會。其四，朱熹的《詩集傳》雖是當時官學，但何氏很少採用他的說法，可見朱子的影響力已逐漸減弱。其五，清人評論何氏的有姚際恆、《四庫全書總目》二家，都從何氏
《詩經世本古義》改編詩篇原來順序來批評，忽略何氏提倡漢學這一層意義。何氏的書，可以說是宋學影響力逐漸減弱，漢學已慢慢興起的一項指標。
Summary of "An
Analysis and Discussion of Ho K'ai's Shih-ching
shih-pen ku-i"
Lin Ch'ing-lung
The main points of this essay are as follows:
l) Surviving biographical materials on Ho K'ai are relative1y sketchy; we know
only that he was expert in the learning of the classics, and that he often censured
important ministers while serving as an official. His most important work is the Shih-ching
shih-pen ku-i (Ancient Meanings of the Shih-ching's Generational Basis)
2) The Shih-ching shih-pen ku-i takes the 3O5 poems of the Shih-ching
(Classic of Poetry) and breaks them up, dividing them into groups based on twenty-eight
"generations" of time-periods, and further names these groups on the basis of
the twenty-eight constellations. Ho then establishes anew the meaning of each of the poems
in these twenty-eight time-periods.
3) Ho K'ai arranges the poems of the Shih-ching on the basis of the time
periods, and in order to lend credence to his own explanations, he spares no efforts in
his citation of numerous historical examples. Sometimes his interpretations tend to be
rather forced.
4) Although Chu Hsi's Shih chi-chuan (Collected Commentaries on the Shih-ching)
formed part of the official's learning at the time, Ho K'ai did not make use of Chu's
explanations. It is apparent that Chu Hsi's influence had gradually begun to weaken.
5) Those of the Ch'ing dynasty who evaluated Ho's work included Yao Chi-heng and
the author of the entry on his work in the Genearal Catalogue of the Compcte Texts of
Four Treasuries (Szu-k'u ch' uan-shu tsung-mu). Both criticized Ho's Shih-ching
shih-pen ku-i from the standpoint of its rearrangement of the original order of the
Shih poems, yet overlooked the significance of Ho's promotion of Han Learning. Ho's book
can be looked upon as a marker showing how the influence of Sung Learning had gradually
declined, while the school of Han Learning had slowly arisen.
「四庫學」研究的反思
楊 晉 龍
提 要
本文主要在觀察歷來「四庫學」研究者的研究範圍和研究態度，並探討其在研究上的得失，肯定其成就，指出其疏失，最後更提出改進意見，以期「四庫學」的研究能夠更深入，所獲得的結論能夠更確實。
本文以為「四庫學」研究者的研究範圍，大致集中在「誰促成編纂」、「思想的歸屬」、「《總目》的名稱」、「刻本和抄本」、「成書的時間」、「編纂的動機」、「內容的刪改」、「文字獄的關聯」、「學術的影響」、「價值的評量」等十大問題上，另外對《永樂大典》輯本的問題，也有部分學者注意。至於研究態度上，則以「先入為主」、「輕信權威」、「規過前人」及「內容偏向」等四個值得商榷的問題最明顯。
本文以為現今「四庫學」研究最大的貢獻是在「糾繆補闕」上，尤以《四庫全書總目》為然，但這僅是外圍的研究，不足以概括「四庫學」。更積極有效的方式是：從「文化史」的角度著手，直接由《四庫全書》和《四庫全書總目》本身切入，以便突顯其內容所具的意義和價值。
Reflections on the Research
of the Ssu-k'u Studies
Yang Chin-lung
This paper aims to investigate the research fields and the attitudes of
the scholars of the Ssu-k'u studies 四庫學, explore their merits and demerits,
confirm their accomplishments, Point out their mistakes, and finally offer some opinions
for improvements, so that the research of the Ssu-k'u Studies can be
thoroughgoing and the conclusion be more affirmative.
The author maintains that the fields of the researchers of the Ssu-k'u
Studies were generally centered around issues like, who facilitates the Ssu-k'us
compilation, the belonging of its thoughts, the title, the block-printed editions, and the
hand-copied editions of the General Catalogue (tzung-mu),the publication date,
the motivation of compilation, the correction of its content, its association with the
literary inquisition, its scholarly influence, and the evaluation of its value. In
addition, some scholars also paid attention to issues about the collections of the Yung-le
Ta-tien 永樂大典. The most obvious problems of the scholars， attitudes which
need further discussion and consideration are their being prejudiced by preconception,
readily believing the authorities, putting the blame on the predecessors, and erroneous
tendency in the content.
The author points out that the greatest contribution of the research of the
Ssu-k'u Studies is "correcting mistakes and supplying deficiencies," which is
mainly accomplished by Ssu-k'u Ch'uan-shu Tzung-mu 四庫全書總目 (The
Outline for General Catalogue of the Complete Works of the Ssu-k'u). However, an
outside research, it is not enough to generalize the research of the Ssu-k'u
Studies. A more active and effective way is to start from the angle of "cultural
history," that is, directly from the Ssu-k'u Ch'uan-shu 四庫全書 and the
Ssu-k'u Ch'uan-shu Tzung-mu, so as to highlight the significance and the
value of the Ssu-k'u Studies.
無聲之戀：
沈從文的〈神巫之愛〉
彭 小 妍
提 要
沈從文苗族故事系列之一〈神巫之愛〉(1929)，一直未獲評家正視。沈氏創造的苗族神話，實為五四故事新編風的另一章，但後來的評家從未把故事新編看成是五四文學主流的一支。五四一代固然鼓吹西方科學及都市文明不遺餘力，是「進步歷史觀」的信徒；可以說科學知識以及知識份子的神聖化，是五四文化的特色之一。但是西化衝擊的同時，五四文人對落後的鄉村「傳統文明」又流露出難以擺脫的眷戀情結。沈從文的苗族神語所描繪的「化外文明」等於是對「都市文明」的直接批判。本文以巴赫汀的嘉年華理論，闡釋〈神巫之愛〉蓄意建構一個「官方世界之外的第二世界和第二生命」。
本文以沈氏同時期寫作的都市羅曼史系列和苗族故事作對比，顯示出他有意藉苗族開放自然的性觀念，凸顯出「文明人」面對「性事」的不健康的心態，並強調語言----文明的象徵----對自然情慾的扭曲。而〈神巫之愛〉中，在眾多美女以情歌情話爭寵的情況下，一對啞巴姊妹花以無聲的言語獨得神巫的青睞，更進一步透露出沈從文對語言的質疑。同時不可忽略的是，除了意圖表達意識型態，〈神巫之愛〉也呈現出沈從文在文類上的實驗嘗試。
Silent Love:
Shen Congwen
"The Shaman's Love"
Peng Hsiao-yen
"The Shaman's Love" (1929), one of Shen Congwen's Miao stories,
has never been seriously treated by critics. The Miao myths created by Shen are in fact a
variant of the trend, popular during the May Fourth period, of rewriting ancient stories.
But this trend has never been considered part of the mainstream by later critics. On the
one hand, the May Fourth generation believed in "the idea of progress,"
promoting without reservation Western sciences and city culture; we may say that one of
the main features of May Fourth culture was the apotheosis of scientific knowledge and
intellectuals. On the other hand, however, May Fourth intellectuals disclosed their
nostalgic longing for the "traditional culture" represented by the backward
countryside. Shen's Miao stories depict an "uncivilized culture" that directly
challenges "city culture." This article uses Bakhtin's theory of
"carnival" to explain how "The Shanlan's Love" has created "a
second world and a second life outside officialdom." I will compare Shen's Miao
stories with his City romances, written around the same period, with a view to showing how
he intentionally uses the Miao people's open, natural attitudes toward sex to throw into
relief civilized people's unhealthy mentality in face of sex. In the meantime, Shen
emphasizes how language－the symbol of civilization-distorts sexual desire. In "The
Shaman's Love,"among the Miao beauties who sisters manage to win his heart with
silent language; this further reveals Shen's mistrust of language. At the same time we
should not ignore that, while intentionally declaring his ideological stance, Shen also
attempts to experiment with literary genre in "The Shaman's Love."
從康德的實踐哲學論王陽明的「知行合一」說
李 明 輝
提 要
王陽底「知行合一」說可上溯至孟子底「良知」學說。康德在〈論俗語所謂：這在理論上可能是正確的，但不切實際〉一文中則分別從道德學、國內法、國際法三個層面討論理論與實踐之關係。在道德底層面上，康德得到一項結論：凡是對於理論而言是正確的，對於實踐也必然有效。理論與實踐在道德中的這種一致性正是王陽明「知行合一」說，以澄清有關「知行合一」說的若干誤解。本文指出：儘管王陽明底「知行一」說與「心即理」、「致良知」之說並非
同時提出，但此三說在義理上是互涵的。
Wang Yang-ming's
Doctrine of the Unity of Moral Knowledge and Action in the Light of Kant's Practical
Philosophy
Lee Ming-huei
Wang Yang-ming's doctrine of the "unity of moral knowledge and action"
(chih-hsing ho-i) can be traced back to Mencius' theory of liang-chih (良知).
Similiarly, Kant has discussed the relationships of theory to practice on three different
levels in his article, "On the Common Saying:' This May be True in Theory, but it
does not Apply in Practice'". He proposed the unity of theory and practice in moral
philosophy. So in the light of Kant𠏋 doctrine of theory and practice. I interpret Wang𠏋
doctrine of the 𠀾nity of moral knowledge and action" with a view to clarifying some
misinterpretations of it. Thereby, I demonstrate that this doctrine is logically
interconnected with Wang𠏋 other two doctrines, namely, the doctrine of hsin-chi-li (心即理)
and that of chih liang-chih (致良知), although these tree doctrines were advanced by
him different times.
二程道德論與工夫論述要
鍾 彩 鈞
提 要
二程的道德理論中，明建立了天人一本說，卻嚴辨真妄之分，確立了道德實踐的地位。又將天德與王道連繫起來，而有政治實踐的色彩。明道的本體觀是天德流行，道德實踐是向天德逐步地、無限地趨近。伊川則持靜定的本體觀，其所特重的理欲之辨，是對自己超克，從根本處化私為公而入理。
二程的工夫論主敬與窮理兩主題來論述。明道以敬的工夫來接續、維持天德的流行，伊川的敬則是針對個人內心的改造工夫。整齊嚴肅為其開始，主一無適則為其核心。明道的窮理工夫意在使天德流行得其恰好，伊川的窮理則以進入靜定之理目的。明道的敬是體的、本質的工夫，窮理則是用的、助緣的工夫，伊川則反之。
A Study of the
General Principles of the Ch'eng Brothers' Theory of Morality and Cultivation
Chung Tsai-chun
In this article the author first discusses the
Ch'eng brothers' moral theory, Which is closely connected with their ontology.
Ch'eng Hao maintains that heaven and man are from a single root, but distinguishes between
the truthful and the false at the side of man. Moral practice, by which man behaves
truthfully, is therefore indispensable. Another point of his ontology is the continuation
of heavenly virtue; moral practice consists then in the gradual and endless correction of
oneself so as to become closer to the purity of heavenly virtue. In his ethics there is
also a combination of heavenly virtue with good government. Ch'eng I's ontology is
different from his brother's in that substance is seen as a perpetually-unmoved One. Moral
practice is for him to discern and extinguish selfish desires; it is by such continual
self-conquering that one returns to the objective and uninterested principle.
The author then discusses their theories of cultivation, including “holding to
attentiveness” and “investigating principle”. The cultivation of “holding to
attentiveness” for Ch'eng Hao results in linking oneself to the continuation of heavenly
virtue. As for Ch'eng I, this effort changes man from within. He argues that “holding to
attentiveness” should start from orderliness and seriousness of behaviour, and then
advance to the stage where the mind masters itself. The significance of “investigation
of principle” is also different for the two brothers. For Ch'eng Hao it is a practice
subsidiary to “holding to attentiveness,” and is for the purpose of establishing the
correct interaction between man and his environment so as to ensure the continuation of
heavenly principle. Ch'eng I, on the other hand, regards “investigation of principle”as
an effort to access the eternally－unmoved principle;
therefore it is a step further and more important than “holding to attentiveness”.
從「生氣通天」到「與天地同流」－晚周秦漢兩種轉化身體的思想
楊 儒 賓
提 要
中國身體思想的一大特色乃是「身體觀」和「修身觀」分不開。換言之，中國的主流思潮不會將「身體」視為一對象之物，可用範疇加以把捉。相反地，它們毋寧認為現成的身體都是不完整的，有待克治轉化。戰國秦漢之際，中土流行兩種轉化身體的方法，筆者稱呼其中一種為後天型，另一種為先天型。後天型的治身方法以《黃帝內經》等中醫典籍為代表，這種後天型的治身方法強調「天人合一」的基本預設。合一的步驟主要有二，一是「人副天數」，此即天有什麼樣的結構，人即當效法之，天的結構是種原型（Eliade的原型意義），它是人事的範本。其次是服食天氣，這套工夫論認為大自然在不同的時段或空間裡，會有質性不同的神秘力量，因此，學者當服食其氣，以求轉化己身。先天型的治身論是此時期的主流，它的基本預設是建立在人身內部深處有種質性特異的神秘之氣，學者只要擴充此氣，即可轉化身心。擴充的道路也有二，一是從修鍊身體內部入手，《楚辭．遠遊》為此路代表。另一以修身養心為主，由道德意識帶動神秘之氣，兩者合流，轉化身體，最後可證得無限。
Two Methods of
Transformation of the Body in Ancient China
Yang Rur-bin
The inseparability of the theory of the body and the theory of the embodiment
characterized Chinese intellectual history. Chinese mainstream thought never regards the
body as an object which can be grasped by categories. Quite the contrary, it regards the
body as a vivid organism which should be cultivated carefully. There are two different
methods to transform the empirical body in ancient China. One is a posterior, the
other is a priori, The a posteriori method is held by the school of
medicine, it stresses the interaction between man and heaven. “Human's
correspondence with heavenly schema”&“breath of energetic ch'i”are
the particular means to strengthen human life. The a priori method is held by many
philosophers in this period. They think if students can regenerate the mysterious ch'i in
the deepest layer of the body, the mysterious ch'i will transform the entire body.
Concerned with the approaches to regenerating ch'i, some philosophers think the Chinese
yoki Method is more effective, the others think moral consciousness will arouse the inner
mysterious ch'i, and finally both of consciousness and ch'i will flow simultaneously.
Therefore, the cultivation of mind and the cultivation of ch'i are two aspects of the same
activity.
王夫之「民族主義」思想商榷
朱 榮 貴
提 要
學者常主張王夫之（1619-1692）是偉大的民族主義者，可是卻住往不去界定「民族主義」（nationalism）的涵義，甚至有的學者把王夫之說成是一位提倡種族歧視、挑撥種族糾紛的人。本文想從王夫之的時代背景以及其儒家思想的整體架構，來探索王夫之之「民族主義」思想的原意。換言之，我想探討王夫之的民族思想是否是偏狹的「文化沙文主義」（即「大中國主義」）或是極端的「種族主義」。文章分成以下幾個主題：王夫之的民族觀，王夫之對夷狄以及同化夷狄的看法，他的發展論的歷史觀和正統論。最後我還提出黃宗羲之《留書》來和王夫之作比較。
王夫之以為由於「地異」（地理環境不同），而導致「氣異」，「習異」，「種異」一連串的差別。對這個種族間的差異，王夫之一方面認為是文化上的差別，因此他做出「文明」與「野蠻」之價值判斷。另一方面他認為這是道德上的差別，因此他提出「夷夏大防」的原則。但是不論民族間的歧異是基於文化或道德的因素，王夫之主張我們應該尊重民族之差異性及特殊性，而不應該對其他弱小民族進行文化之侵略與同化。因此本文的主旨之一即想說明王夫之的民族思想主要是基於文化與道德的考慮，而不是種族意識的產物。
本文的結論認為王夫之的民族思想中，「種族認同」（ethnic
idenitity）的成分薄弱。而且他的民族思想是帶有相對性意味，超越種族的「文明論」。在「氣論」的哲學基礎上，他主張民族間應該互相容忍，尊重各自文化之特質與獨立性。
A Reappraisal of Wang
Fu-chih's Thought on Nationalism
Chu Ron-guey
Wang Fu-chih is often hailed as a“national
hero”for his nationalist thought. But few scholars have
defined what they meant by“nationalism.” This paper is to discuss Wang Fu-chih's attitude toward the
non-Chinese peoples and to discuss whether his view can be regarded as“cultural chauvinist”or
even racist. The paper is divided into the following sections: Wang Fu-chih's view on
races, his view on the“barbarians,”historiography, view on political sovereignty.
My paper is to argue that Wang Fu-chih in fact espouses a very open and tolerant
view on the non-Chinese peoples. He respects ethnic and cultural differences among the
peoples and is against enculturation. He also thinks that the non-Chinese can obtain
political legitimacy as long as they bring about peace and prosperity to the people. The
goal of my paper is to reconsider how appropriate it is to make Wang Fu-chih into a
nationalist thinker. My conclusion is that Wang's tolerant view on races and cultural
diversity in fact represents the spirit of Confucian humane tradition.
論明清傳奇名作中「情境呈現」與「情節發展」之關聯性
王璦玲
中國戲曲發展至明代，由於文人染指日深，詩文文學中所固有的「主題意識」與「結構觀念」曾啟示，或誘發了部分文人對於戲曲中所必有之「抒情性」與「戲劇性」之結合產生深刻之反省，並亦使之有了具體改革的嘗試，因而逐漸呈現出意圖將戲曲之創作予以理論化之趨勢。本文所探討之「情境呈現」與「情節發展」即為在此種趨勢中，特定劇作家為求展現戲曲「抒情特質」與「戲劇特質」時所特為關注之要點。此種對於戲劇表現手段的關注，使明清傳奇中部分劇作整體之「戲劇性」逐漸增強，因而得以與中國戲曲傳統之抒情特質陶熔出新的境界。在少數傑出之傳奇劇作中，甚而可以見出一種企圖將整部劇予以「詩化」的努力，如明代湯顯祖的《牡丹亭》，清初洪昇的《長生殿》及孔尚任的《桃花扇》皆是其例。不過由於大部分地方戲曲之發展，仍受限於其所依存社會條件之限制，此種潛藏之發展，在近代西方戲劇觀念輸入以前，並未獲得充分伸舒之機會，明清部分劇作家所實際推動與企圖達成之目標，乃是隱晦而不彰。即就今日治文學史者之所論觀之，仍尚少能於此深入討論之者。本文之著眼欲在戲曲成為「詩劇」之表達特性的基礎上，分析明清傳奇中聯繫「情境呈現」與「情節發展」之種種線索，表明傳奇名作之唱辭中此項「抒情性」與「戲劇性」彼此間相互的滲透，藉以揭示明清劇作家在提昇中國戲曲「戲劇性」方面努力之成果。
The Relations Between the
"Situational Presentation" and the "Plot Development" in the
Masterpieces of the Ming and Qing Chuanqi Drama
Wang Ay-ling
In the development of Chinese drama, owing to the literati's participation
in playwriting, the“thematic consciousness”and the“structural
concept”derived from traditional poetry and prose
aroused the Ming literati's reflection on the“lyricism”and the“dramaticism”of Chinese drama, urging them to make concrete improvements
on dramaturgy. The Ming literati's efforts formed a new trend of theorizing the
writing of Chinese drama. The“situational presentation”and the“plot development”explored in this paper were the central concerns of some
Ming and Qing playwrights for presenting the“lyrical”and“dramatic”characteristics of Chinese drama. Such concern about the
expressive methods of dramatic art strengthened the integral“dramaticism”of some chuanqi plays, which together with the
traditional lyrical characteristics of Chinese drama, opened a new dramaturgical realm. In
a few outstanding chuanqi plays, we may even find the playwrights' attempt to“poeticize”the whole play,
for example, Tang Xianzu's Mudanting(The Peony Pavilion),Hong Sheng's Changshengdian(The
Palace of Eternal Life) and Kong Shangren's Taohuashan(The peach Blossom Fan).
However, since the development of most regional dramas were still confined by their social
conditions, the Ming and Qing's new dramaturgy was not fully explored before the
importation of the modern western dramatic theories and concepts. The goals aimed at and
propelled by some Ming and Qing playwrights were thus veiled and obscured. In the light of
the expressive features of the“poetic drama,”this paper analyzes various clues which connect the“situational presentation”with
the“plot development”in
the Ming and Qing chuanqi plays. By explicating the mutual interaction of the“lyricism”and the“dramaticism”in the chuanqi
lyrics, the Ming and Qing playwrights' painstaking efforts in elevating the integral“dramaticism”of Chinese
drama is disclosed.
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