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Number 3  march 1993

A Discussion of Chungkuo Shang Ku-shih, Revised Edition	Ch'en P'an
On Misunderstanding of the Famous Passage "Refining The Language and Establishing His Sincerity" in the I Ching	Chow Tse-tsung
The Old Version of the Hung-lou Meng	Liu Tz'un-yan
Chuang-tzu and Ch'an Buddhism Summary	Chin-tang Lo
An interpretation of the Poems "Pi ch'i  chih tzu" and "Yu yen chia K'e	Lung Yu-chen
Wang Seng-ch'ien's "Letter of Instruction to His Son" and Its Relationship to the Pure Conversation Under the Southern Dynasties	Ying-shih Yu
A study of Lu Ch'ien-i's Poems in lin chiang hsien and nu kuan tzu styles¡@	Chang Yi-jen
"Poetry Expresses Intent"¡ÐThe Earliest Outline of Chinese literary Thought	Wang Wensheng
Juan Chi's Concept of Nature	Tai Lian-chang
The Image of a Knight-errant in Li Po	Kuo-ying Wang
Historical Argumentation in Classical Confucianism	Chun-chieh Huang
Ching-ying Hui-yuan's Teaching of Consciousness	Liu Ming-Wood
The Concept of Plague in the Early Taoist Texts, With Focus on Nu Ch'ing Kuei Lu and Tung Yaun Shen Chou Ching	Li Fung-mao
Chu Mu-ch'ie and his Shou Jing T'u’u	Lin Ching-chang
Descendants of Shang-t'i  or Huang-t'i : Cheng Hsüan,Wang Shu, and the debate over the origins of Imperial authority	Yang Chin-lung
The Failure of an Industrial Utopia: Class Struggle in Mao Dun Midnight	Peng Hsiao-yen
The Concept of "Thing in Itself" in Mou Tsung-san's Philosophy	Ming-huei Lee
A Comparative study of the Conception of Heaven and Man in Po-hu tung and I-ch'uan  i-chuan	Tsai-chun Chung
Scholarly Autonomy and Political Dissent of Local Academies in the Early Ch'ing	Ron-Guey Chu

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Revised Edition

Ch'en P'an

¡@¡@With the publication of Chugkuo Shang Ku-shih, Revised Edition, 4 vols., the editorial committee has resolved many questions related to the study of early Chinese history. In this reviewer's  opinion, however, it seems that several issues in their discussion are problematic. The issues listed below are discussed in this review article:  1)The indebtedness of Chou Kong to the Hsia and Yin in establishing his rules for ceremonies. Which emphasizes mads virtue.  2)Major changes in class structure began during the Spring and Autumn era, not the Warring States period.   3)The destiny of the Western Chou was completely ended by the death of Chou You Wang.  4)Although some of the ancient history is not recorded in the Shih-ching and the Shu-ching, that does not mean that they should be discounted as mere fabrications.   5)While various theories regarding problems in the study of early Chinese history are Provided together, we not recorded may record all of them for, reference.   6)Further discussion on Chou Kong¡¦s feudal legacy is needed.  7)Before the time of Confucius commoners did have some opportunites to receive an education.   8)Although the ruling class and the commoners were not subject to the same legal regulations, they were united by a shared set of beliefs regarding social morms and public ethics, and were at peace with each other.  9)The reasons for differences between the scholar-official class and the commoners lie in qualities such as virtuousness and determination, not in higher educational levels. 10) The first sentence in the Shang Lu-hsing refers to the ruler of state of Lu the who receivs a mandate to rule. 11)The theories of Yang Shu-ta and Ch'ien Yue regarding problems in unification merit application.

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Chow Tse-tsung

¡@¡@The author suggests that the famous passage "Refining the language and establishing his sincerity"(Hsiu tz'u li ch'i  ch'eng) in the "Wen yen" commentary. I Ching, supposed to have been said by Confucius, has been misread by all Chinese literary theorists and critics for more than two thousand years. They all regarded it as the first and most important Chinese principle of rhetoric. But it is not. The article contains three sections.

¡@¡@Section one presents the view of major contemporary Chinese scholars and historians in the field of rhetoric and literary theory, such as Cheng Tien, Ch'en Wang-tao, Kuo Shao-yu, and Lo Ken-tse. They all accepted the traditional interpretation that the passage means ¡§To refine language, its sincerity must be established.¡¨ A few contemporary scholars tried to reject this passage as a rhetorical principle, but only on the wrong ground that the original term ¡§hsiu tz'u¡¨ does not mean ¡§refining the language¡¨but ¡§mproving culture and education¡¨as suggested by K'ung Ying-ta of the early T'ang dynasty.

¡@¡@Section two traces various interpretations of the passage from pre-Ch'in (3rd century B.C.) to the end of the nineteenth century. The Chuang-tzu and the Lun-heng seem to have interpreted the passage, the author suggests, as meaning that in embellishing language and moving the audience one has to show his sincerity. The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons written before. A.D 502 by Liu Hsieh (c.465-c. 522) definitely made such an interpretation. This reading has been followed eventually by all later literary theorists and critics, such as Han Yu (768-824), Lin Tsung-yuan (773-819), Pai Chu-i (772-846) of the T'ang dynasty, Chu His (1130-1200) and Li Ke-fei, Yuan Hao-wen (1190-1257) of the Sung-Chin period, down to Yuan Mei (1716-1797), Chang Hsueh-ch'eng (1738-1801), and Ch'en T'ing-cho (1853-1892) of the Ch'ing dynasty.

¡@¡@Avery few I Ching scholars, such as K'ung Ying-ta (574-648) of early T'ang and Ch'eng I (1033-1107)of Sung, however, in explaining the meaning of the book read¡§refining the language¡¨ and ¡§establishing his sincerity¡¨ in the passage as two separate, parallel phrases. But this interpretation was not made very clear, and had not been recognized and followed by literary critics and writers. James Legge, in his translation of the I Ching did follow this, whereas Richard Wilhelm's  later translation accepted the literary critics'  reading. In his translation of Chapter 10 of Liu Hsieh's  book , Professor Vincent Shih rightfully adopted K'ung Ying-ta's   interpretation; but the translation does not seem to coalesce well with Liu's application of the passage.

¡@¡@Section three rejects the literary critics'    interpretations and suggests that the passage in the I Ching means: a gentleman must refine the language and establish his sincerity in order to secure a career. It does not tell how to refine the language. The interpretations made by literary critics and theorists are wrong for the following reasons (1) From the context in the I Ching, as the author argues with a number of items of evidence, ¡§refining the language¡¨and ¡§establishing his sincerity?are two parallel subjects, which do not have a causatic or goal-means relationship. (2) To interpret the passage as ¡§refining the language to establish its (or his ) sincerity¡¨ will violate the Confucian teachings and common moral principles. It also will not be able to achieve the set purpose of securing a career mentioned in the I Ching text. (3) On the other hand, if one interprets the passage in a reverse way as the literary critics and theorists do, i.e.,¡§to refine the language, one must establish his sincerity,?this meaning will not fit reasonably in the original context (that is,¡§refining the language¡¨, no matter in what way, cannot be the sole means to secure a career), although the twisted or inferred statement could be, as it is, a true and valuable rhetorical principle. Therefore, the author concludes that such a time-honored interpretation is a misunderstanding of the original text in the I Ching. Or, at best it is a case of inadertently ¡§getting a new meaning by ignoring the original context¡¨and by mis-reading.

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¡@¡@The study of the novel Hung-lou Meng ( Red Chamber Dream or The Story of the Stone as translated by David Hawkes and John Minford) began in the late eighteenth century.  Even before it was set for movable-type printing in 1791, there were a number of  transcribed manuscripts in private circulation,   on which hand-written marginal and inter-linear notes produced most probably by the relations or close friends of its author, Ts'ao Hsueh-ch'in ±ä³·ªà(1724?-1763?) were found.  These commentaries were almost exclusively made by a person styled hih-yen Chai ¯×µxÂN  (The Studio of Red Inkstone).

¡@¡@As the transcribed manuscript-copies of the novel were at first not available for the reading public, and as its 1791 edition was in fact a combination of the original unfinished work of 80 chapters and another 40 chapters penned, or partly fabricated, by Kao E °ªõ§ (chin-shih 1721), the nature of the novel has become a source of speculation. During the early Republican Era, Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei ½²¤¸°ö (1868-1940), following the suggestions of a number of Ch'ing scholars, maintaining that many of the descriptions of the novel are reflections of men-of-letters and courtiers or of episodes from their lives in the early Ch'ing. By induction, he came to the conclrsion that the novel is of a political nature. His view were refuted quite convincingly by Hu Shih ­J¾A (1891-1962) and others who took a historical and pragmatist's view in this matter. It was Hu Shih who discovered much in detail the background of Ts'ao, a Han-Chinese Bannerman whose grandfather Ts'ao Yin ±ä±G (1658-1712) had been a faithful bond-servant of Emperor K'ang-hsi. However, in the mid-fifties, P'an Ch'ung-kuei ¼ï­«³W echoed Ts'ai's ideas that the work was a political fiction, emphasizing the anti-Manchu sentiments hermeneutic in between the lines.

¡@¡@The present writer of this monograph believes that the existing antagonistic view of contemporary scholars may still be compromised, having taken a careful review into the situation. In this monograph he recognizes the facts that the novel does reveal in great length its intimacy with the Ts'ao family as well as is reflecting the customs and milieu of the time which were dominantly Manchu. He cites, however, several incidents from the first 80 chapters of the novel in which the anti-Manchu feelings are more than discernable. Studying also the shih-lu ¹ê¿ý (Veritable Records ), the memoir of Schall von Bell ´ö­Y±æ, the Jesuit astronomer who served at the Ch'ing court, some records entered by a Zen Buddhist Master of the early Ch'ing who gad close relationship with the first Ch'ing emperor (Shun-chih) at Peking, and a diary found in the Songgye chip ªQ·Ë¶° of Imp'yong Taegun Åï©W¤j§g, a Korean envoy sent to Peking in 1656, the present writer's analysis has reached at an interesting observation that it is highly probable that there had existed an old version bearing some relationship to the amazing love affairs of the young Ch'ing emperor which Ts'ao Hsueh-ch'in had made use of, among many other episodes, in reshaping and reconstructing it into a first-class creative work, camouflaging however, some of the gruesome material in the very early version in the couse of production and leaving inadvertently some clues which may not escape scrutiny.

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Chin-tang Lo

¡@¡@Of all the various sects and schools in the world of Buddhism, none at present are more widespread than Ch'an, Esoteric Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism. Many intellectuals especially favor Ch'an, and all those who share at least a little in the root of wisdom enjoy practicing Ch'an meditation;  as such, it has become very popular. As early as th Northern Sung dynasty (960-1127 AD),  Chang Fang-p'ing said¡§Confucianism is bland; all that it cannot contain finds a home in Sakyamuni.¡¨ This statement quite startled the Prime Minister Wang An-shih, but in reality, a connection between Ch'an masters and the literati came about largely in response to this. Through the daily life of Chinese culture flows no small amount of sentiment and beauty full of the flavor of Ch'an, not only in poetry and painting, but even in menial tasks such as carrying firewood or moving water.

¡@¡@This article will begin by introducing the origins of Ch'an in India, and the conditions which caused various changes and deuelopments as it was established in China. At the same time, I will explain certain relevant features relating to the practice of Ch'an. Then, I will present the opinion of the great Jepanese Ch'an master Suzuki Daisetsu that the¡§fasting of the heart¡¨in In the World of Men and the¡§forgetful sitting¡¨and¡§brightness of dawn¡¨in The Greet and Venerable Teacher chapters of the Chuang-tzu are the earliest foundations of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism. Following him, I will offer my own views, using such examples as¡§Knowledge's interview with the Yellow Emperor¡¨and ¡§Gap-tooth's interview with Reed-coat¡¨ in Knowledge Wanders North, ¡§empty quiet¡¨and Nan-jung Chu's interview with Lao-tzu in Keng-sang Ch'u,¡§Chi Hsien tells the fortune of Hu Tzu¡¨ in Responding to Emperors and Kings, ¡§Cood Ting butchers an ox¡¨ in What Matters in the Nurture of Life, ¡§Wheelwright P'ien chisels a wheel¡¨ in The Way of Heaven, ¡§On the True Person¡¨ in Under Heaven and other sections that are full of meaning for Ch'an as evidence. At the same time, I will also discuss certain material from Ch'an Kung-an (koan) which is identical or related to the Chuang-tzu. Through these comparisons, I will prove that although Ch'an was founded in India, its true development and flowering did not come about until after the Sixth Patriarch Hui-neng, in what is called the¡§Five Schools and Seven Sects¡¨ Ch'an entered into its golden age, when it quite naturally differed from the original ¡§dhyana¡¨ and ¡§yoga¡¨ of India in which it had its roots.

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An Interpretation of the ¡§Poems Pi ch'i chih tzu¡¨and¡§¢çu yen chia K'e¡¨

Lung Yu-chen

¡@¡@This essay examines Chi Hsu-sheng's new annotations of the poems "pi ch'I chih tzu" (©¼¨ä¤§¤l) and "Yu yen chia k'e" (©ó²j¹Å«È) , and discusses the meaning of the words "ch'i" (¨ä) and "chia k'e" (¹Å«È). The author does not agree with Chi Hsu-sheng that "ch'i" (¨ä) is the same as the family name "Chi (¤v), but adopts instead Lin Ch'ing-chang's view that "ch'i" is the same as the name "Chi" (®V). In writing "chi" as "ch'i" the poet intentionally uses words with the same sound so as to mock people with the family name "chi". The author also disagrees slightly with Lin Ch'ing-chang's views regarding phonetic loan characters in these poems.

¡@¡@Next, the author disagrees with Mr. Chi's view that "chia k'e" (¹Å«È) is a transformation of "chia-ya" (­{¤ú). Instead, the author believes that the character "k'e" comes from the Shuowen's original meaning for the character "chi" (±H), and that the character "chia" is also used to express the character "chi" (±H). Thus, the meaning of these two characters is the same, and "yu yen chia k'e" (©ó²j¹Å«È) is just like "yu yen chi yu" (©ó²j±H´J).

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Wang Seng-ch'ien's ¡§Letter of Instruction to His Son¡¨and Its Relationship to the Pure Conversation Under the Southern Dynasties

¡@¡@Wang Seng-ch'ien's (426-485) "Letter of Instruction to His Son" is a key document in the history of the Pure Conversation during the Southern Dynasties' period. However, the letter contains many textual and other problems which have puzzled scholars for centuries. Until and unless these problems are satisfactorily solved, the significance of the letter as a historical document cannot be fully grasped.

¡@¡@In this article the author begins by dating this letter more precisely between 476 and 477. He then goes on to identify the three Pure Conversationalists mentioned in the letter, namely, "Yuan ling" , "Hsieh Chung-shu" and "Chang Wu-hsing". After an extensive and thorough search in various biographies in dynastic histories, the author is finally able to establish the identities of the three conversationalists as Yuan Ts'an (420-477), Hsieh Chuang (421-466) and Chang Hsu (433?-490). The identification of the last one, Chang Hsu, is especially involved. It turns out that "Chang Wu-hsing" is in all likelihood a misprint of "Chang Wu Chu". For Chang Hsu served as Governor of Wu Chun during 475-477, but never that of Wu-hsing, It is quite common that these two provincial names, Wu Chun and Wu-hsing, get confused with each other in the dynastic histories of the period as the texts were transmitted from generation to generation in the hands of numerous copyists. Thus the author is also able to right a wrong in his earlier English article "Individualism and the Neo-Taoist Movement in Wei-Chin China" (in Donald Munro, ed., Individualism and Holism, Studies in Confucian and Taoist Values, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 1985) where he reached the right conclusion but for wrong reasons.

¡@¡@In the second half of this article, the author discusses the evidential value of this letter for the last phase of the history of the Pure Conversation.  The discussion is focused on two questions raised in the letter:   First, what were the basic required readings for the training of a qualified Pure Conversationalist?  In this regard the emphasis is placed on the so-called "Eight Collections of the Ching-chou School".  Since these Ching-chou texts have long been lost, scholars'  opinions are divided as to their historical origins and intellectual contents. Based on internal evidence of the letter the author supports the traditional view that they must refer to the writings of the early third century including those of Wang Ts'an (177-217)  who lived in Ching Chou at the end of the Han dynasty.  The second question is why in this letter the Taoist texts used for the Pure Conversation are compared to  "fine food to serve guests in a banquet"?  Building on recent scholarship the author advances the view that by the fifth century Taoist ideas had already lost the critical power they once exercised on politics and society during the Wee-Chin transition. Consequently, the Pure Conversation also ceased to function as a destructive and disruptive dscourse. Instead, the Pure Conversation in its last phase was stereotyped into a conventional intellectual game in the everyday life of the elite circles.

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¡@¡@This essay points out a misunderstanding among scholars regarding one of Lu Ch'ien-i's poems in lin chiang hsien style. The auther suspects that one of Lu's poems in nu kuan tzu style was a paraphrase of poems of the same style by Wen Ting-yun and Chang Mi. This suspicion brings into question the high evaluation of Lu's poems by later scholars.

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¡§Poetry Expresses Intent¡¨--The Earliest Outline of Chinese literary Thought

Wang Wensheng

¡@¡@With this essay, the author, Professor Wang Wensheng has given a study in the earliest outline of Chinese literary thought--"Poetry Expresses Intent"--on several main respects: 1, He has defined clearly the subject and reviewed the historical and present situations as well as purposes and methodologies which Chinese and Western scholars adopted in this field; 2, Through rigorous textual research, he has discovered for the first time that the outline of "Poetry Expresses Intent" came into existence in the middle of 9th century B.C., which proves that the outline of "Poetry Expresses Intent" is not only the earliest literary thought existent in China but also the earliest one known in the world; 3, In theory, he has elucidated that the outline of "Poetry Expresses Intent" is a poetic outline of expressive theory that poetry trances emotion; 4, By a general comparison of literary thought between China and the West, he has expounded the traits and influences of the outline of "Poetry Expresses Intent."

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Tai Lian-chang

¡@¡@¡§Nature¡¨is the core concept in Juan Chi's thought, and throughout his life Juan's’s conception of ¡§the way of nature¡¨comprised the guiding principle in his process of self-cultivation. This essay is based on an objective reading of Juan's writings on nature, with the aim of providing precise explanations of his conception of nature and the direction of his thought.

¡@¡@The main points of this essay concern Juan's views regarding the fundamental meaning of nature, and his application of this understanding to methods of self-cultivation. This essay is based on an objective reading of Juan's writings on natures, with the aim of providing precise explanations of his conception of nature and the direction of his thought.

¡@¡@The main points of this essay concern Juan's views regarding the fundamental meaning of nature, and his application of this understanding to methods of self-cultivation. In addition to detailed study and analysis of extant documentation, we also compare Juan's thought to the closely related thought of Lao Tzu and Chuang Tzu. In this comparison we can clearly see where Juan's thought is indebted to the Lao-Chuang school, and where his original contributions lie.

¡@¡@According to my investigation, Juan's conception of nature simply takes nature as nature; he proposes no false or rash views about the basic meaning of nature, but rather develops a conception of the unity of nature. Furthermore, he creates a methodology of personal cultivation based on this sense of unity in nature. Furthermore, he creates a methodology of personal cultivation based on this sense of unity in nature. In his later years Juan's understanding of nature was quite similar to that of Lao Tzu and Chuand Tzu. However, his views on self-cultivation are not at all like the Lao-Chuang emphasis on achieving open-mindedness and tranquility. Instead, his theory of self-cultivation actually vends toward a longing for primitive harmony and a desire to wander in a supernatural (or transcendental) word. His indebtedness to the Lao-Chuang school of thought, then, is rather limited. Juan Chi's writings belong to the Wei-Chin genre of other wordly wanderings (yu-hsien wen-hsueh), opened up throuhg Juan's creativity.

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Kuo-ying Wang

¡@¡@The purpose of this article is to offer a critical analysis of the meaning and significance of the self-image of a knight-errant as projected in Li Po's (701-762) own writings.

¡@¡@Although poems in praise of knight-errants'  daring and chivalrous deeds had long been a literary convention since the Wei-Chin periods (3rd to 4th centuries), in Li Po's writings, there emerged certain new aspects.

¡@¡@First, Li Po's praise of knight-errant often goes hand-in-hand with his contempt for Confucian scholars who read books till their hairs turn white but know little about the real world. Li Po's attitude is perhaps closely related to his self-consciousness of being a man from a non-scholar-official family background which was generally regarded unfavorably by Tang society.

¡@¡@Second, while other poets look at the knight-errants admiringly from a distance, Li Po often assumes the role himself. He pictures himself as someone who sneers at personal wealth, gives generously and expects no reward in return, hastens to the side of those who are in trouble, is capable of restoring peace, stability, or justice at a time voluntarily as soon as his missions are accomplished. Li Po's continuous when society is in chaos, and willing to withdraw from the world display of such an image is apparently intended to serve as a valuable credential in his attempt to realize his political ambition.

¡@¡@Behind the self-image of a knight-errant in Li Po's  works, there is a man who prizes himself as a man of political talent, ready to serve the sovereign. In his consciousness of being an outsider to the pretigeous scholar-official class, Li Po tries anxiously to convince the world as well as himself that a hero may emerge from a humble background. When his talents are recognized and put into use, he can always make great achievements and earn eternal fame.

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¡@¡@Mencius'  thinking is dipped in history. He could not help but argue and persuade, and whenever he did so, he did from history citing historical incidents, whether ethical, political, or cosmic. Such an historical argumentation is very powerful because it is based on fasts.

¡@¡@This historical argumentation that typifies Chinese concrete thinking has in itself a long historical tradition. From time immemorial, the Chinese people have been watching the way situations came and went, and learned therefrom the historical patterns of actuality, after which they pattern their behavior.

¡@¡@This paper cites historical incidents of historical argumentation in Chinese thinking, from the ancient days of the Classic of History, Classic of Poetry through writings of the classical Confucian thinkers, among them the Analects, the Mencius, etc.¡Ðespecially instantiating their views on the famous Three Dynasties, the Golden Ages to which everyone looked up.

¡@¡@These historical matters are less those of our theatrical appreciation of passive audience than of powerful symbols whose rich implications are to be drawn by the empathic participation, less of museum mummies to be objectively investigated than of the rich resources to be interpreted and learned. In this manner, our present generation shape history as they are shaped thereby.

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Liu Ming-Wood

¡@¡@The introduction of Yogacara texts into China in the early sixth century had led to the formation of the so-called Ti-lun School ¦a½×©v and She-lun School Äá½×©v. Ching-ying Hui-yun Hui-yüan ²b¼v¼z»· (523-592) was a leading figure of the Ti-lun School, and had come under the influence of She-lun teaching. His thought demonstrated many of the key features of early Chinese Yogacara teaching .

¡@¡@This article analyses Hui-yüan's teaching of consciousness basing on the chapter on the eight consciousnesses in the Ta-ch'eng I-chang ¤j­¼¸q³¹, Hui-yüan's most important writing. It relates the various taxomonies of conscious states constructed by Hui-yuan, examines Hui-yüan's descriptions of different consciousnesses, and shows how Hui-yüan's  analysis of consciousness provides a conceptual framework to explain the facts of transmigration and liberation. The main aim of the discussion is to demonstrate the synthesis of alaya teaching and tathagatagarbha teaching typical of early Chinese Yogacara.

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The Concept of Plague in the Early Taoist Texts, With Focus on Nu Ch'ing Kuei Lü and Tung Yaün Shen Chou Ching

¡@¡@There are various beliefs and rituals in Chinese folklores related to the advent and departure of epidemics (plagues, pestilence). The process through which these beliefs and rituals took shape was recorded and preserved in the early Taoist scriptures in the Tao-tsang, among which the Nu Ch’ing Kuei Lu and the Tung Yuan Shen Chou Ching stand out as especially important. All folk saying today about plagues and epidemics, such as the belief that plagues are sent by heaven following inspection tours by intendants, developed during and since the Han and Chin dynasties. This belief, based on the Han theory of vapors (ch'i  hua), holds that during an era of moral disorder heaven will punish the unrighteous by dispatching the Demon of Pestilence to poison the people. In early times then, the Puler of Demons was none other than the Demon of Pestilence, whose mission was to lead lesser demons in spreading epidemics among humanity. The two texts under investigation advocate specific methods to get rid of an epidemic:   belief in Taoism, the doing of good deeds, a vegetarian diet, and most importantly, a belief in the Taoist god San Mei T'ien Tsun. In the period from the beginning of the Six Dynasties to the T'ang Dynasty, The god San Mei T'ien Tsun wasn regarded as havins the abilitn to drive out the Demon of Pestilence and became an important god to be invoked in the ritual. In addition, we can see in various ceremonies the belief that correctly naming the demon of a particular epidemic may result in its?banishment. Consequently, numerous names for pestilential demons can be found. Following the recitation of the demon's   name, the Taoist god San Mei T'ien Tsun will come to the aid of the petitioners and drive the evil demon away. From these points we can see that early Taoist beliefs about epidemics have circulated continuously to present times, and are the chief source for today's  folk beliefs.

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¡@¡@This dissertation is divided into seven section. The first section is the foreword, and simply describes intellectual developments in the study of the Classics from the Sung to the mid-Ming. The author notes that this period witnessed a rapid decline in Han studies (Han-hsueh), but by the mid-Ming, scholars such as Wand Ao, Yand Shen, and Cheng Hsiao had already begun to emphasize the importance of Han-hsueh.

¡@¡@The second section covers Chu's life and writings. Chu was a sixth generation descendant of the Chou-ting King Chu Suh. Chu once held the post of chou fan tsong cheng, and advocated research of the Classics. His own most famous work on the Classics is the Shou Jing T'u.

¡@¡@The third section discusses the general form of Chu's text and his motivation in writing it. According to Chu's statements, he wrote the book in order to promote Han-hsueh. The work is divided into five parts, covering the Chou I, Shang Shu, Shi Jing, Ch'un-ch'iu, and the Li Jing. Each part contains four chapters, arranged topically as follows: a general outline, a chart detailing the origin and spread of teachings on the Classic under discussion, a biography of the scholars associated with these teachings , and a list of these scholars' writings pertaining to each Classic.

¡@¡@The fourth section discusses the selection of materials in Chu's book. Chu relied on Chang Ru-yu's Ch'un Shu K'ao Suo, revising and expanding Chang's charts detailing the origin and spread of teachings on the Classics mentioned above. Biographical materials were drawn from the biographies of the Shi Chi, the Han Shu, and the Later Han Shu. Chu's list of scholarly writings on the Classics generally relied on Cheng Ch'iao's Tong Chih Lue, supplemented by private collections and catalogs.

¡@¡@The fifth section looks at the supplement to Chu's text written by Huang Yu-chi and Kong Hsiang-ling. Huang corrected what he believed were mistakes by Chu regarding other books, chapters, and authors. Huang also added biographical material on 255 du-wen and chin-wen authors and 741 notes on the Classics. Finally, Huang rearranged biographical materials in the section on the Shang Shu.

¡@¡@The sixth section discusses the significance influence on the general form of Chu Yi-tsun's compilation, the Jing I K'ao. The author also notes that , after the Han Dynasty, scholarly compilations on Han teachers of the Classics all followed the conventions set in Chu's Shou Jing T'u.

¡@¡@In the concluding section the author discusses the stimulation effect that the Shou Jing T'u had on Han-hsueh after the middle of the Ming Dynasty.

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¡@¡@Study of the Classics after the Wei and Chin dynasties included what has come to be known as the Cheng-Wang Debate, referring to Cheng Hsuan (tzu K'ang-ch'eng, 127-200 A.D.) and Wang Shu (tzu Tz'u-yung, 195-256 A.D). This debate was enjoined by a ku-wen scholar (Wang) and a chin-wen scholar (Cheng), and their divergent annotations of the Classics led to continual disagreements among later scholars. In regard to the divergent views held by Cheng and Wang, many scholars have offered profound insights, but only a few have discussed why Cheng and Wang disagreed in their interpretations of the Classics. In this essay we will explore the meaning of these divergent interpretations and seek the reasons for the contrasting viewpoints held by Cheng and Wang.

¡@¡@This essay takes as its topic of discussion the phrase "kan sheng shuo". According to my research, the phrase "kan sheng shuo" stems from the problem of sovereign power. Cheng Hsuan believed in "kan sheng", thought that the ruler's authority (wang ch'uan) came from heaven (t'ien shen), and that the ruler was the earthly embodiment of the heavenly five elements. Wang Shu did not believe in "kan sheng". In his view, rulers were descendants of the Yellow Emperor, and their possession of sage morality (sheng te ) granted them support or legitimacy as rulers.

¡@¡@One reason that Cheng and Wang held divergent viewpoints was that their academic backgrounds were different. Although both were familiar with ku-wenand chin-wen, Cheng was more deeply influenced by chin-wen, whereas Wang was more profoundly influenced by ku-wen. Another reason for their differences is that they lived in different times. Cheng lived during a period when order was giving away to disorder; his times were quite turbulent. Therefore he advocated the transferral of political authority through a relatively closed system. Wand, on the other hand, lived in an era tending toward order, with only limited political turbulence. He therefore advocated a more relaxed approach in the transferral of political authority based on wisdom and morality, rather than a strict hereditary system.

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¡@¡@In Mao Dun's Midnight, the protagonist Wu Sunfu, an entrepreneur who envisions the establishment of an industrial utopia in his hometown, is disillusioned in the end. The reason for his downfall is that his investment in the stock market fails. On top of that, the women workers in his silk factory go on a strike. His position as the patriarch of the Wu family is also challenged by the betrayal of the female members at home.

¡@¡@The novel emphasizes the conflict between father and son, the class struggle between capital and labor, and the awakening of female consciousness. Mao Dun uses the thunderstorm to highlight the force of the women workers' picket line, symbolizing the irresistible power of the revolution led by the working class. Even though the working class is suppressed for the time being, the tide of revolution is impending. The end of the story opens up the vista of the victory of the working class.

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The Concept of ¡§Thing in Itself¡¨in

Mou Tsung-san's Philosophy

¡@¡@The concept of "thing in itself" has a central position in the philosophy of Kant. But as most of his important concepts often expose their meaning only gradually in the process of the development of his thought, this concept likewise has somewhat different meanings in his different works, and thus makes its understanding more difficult than other. Most scholars refer to his Critique of Pure Reason in their discussion of this concept. In this work, the distinction between "appearance" and "thing in itself" is a transcendental distinction, and its essential meaning is epistemological. Accordingly, "thing in itself" means the foundation of human knowledge on the one hand and its limits on the other hand. For Kant, this is a "problematic" concept. He also conceives "thing in itself" as the object of a non-sensible (intellectual) intuition. But as he denies this kind of intuition for human beings, he denies our ability to know the "thing in itself". So Kant's conclusion in this work is: the concept of "thing in itself" contains no contradiction, but transcends the bounds of our possible knowledge; and at the same time, it is a necessary idea, in order to account for the possibility of our knowledge.

¡@¡@But in Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals and Critique of Practical Reason, the concept of "thing in itself" presents yet another meaning. Here he interprets "thing in itself" as a viewpoint, through which an "intellihible" world is disclosed. This is a necessary conclusion of his thesis of the primacy of practical reason over speculative reason. As Prof. Richard Kroner in his Kant's Weltanschauung puts it, "thing in itself" opens a "kingdom of freedom". In this way, the concept of "thing in itself" achieves a more fundamental meaning, namely, its ethical meaning. But in the development of its meaning, Kant's interpretation thereof is neither sufficient nor conclusive, so that it becomes a subject for debatet in the ensuing German philosophy.

¡@¡@In his Mind and Human Nature, Prof. Mou Tsung-san at first investigates Kant's moral philosophy, and points out that the sphere of freedom in Kant remains abstract, and lacks reality, since Kant looks upon the freedom of will only as a "postulate". Therefore, Kant can only establish a "metaphysics of morals", but not a "moral metaphysics". In his Intellectual Intuition and Chinese Philosophy, Prof. Mou furthur points our that in order to establish the metaphysics of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism (above all the Confucian moral metaphysics), it is necessary to admit an intellectual intuition for human beings. This implies that "thing in itself" can be represented to the moral mind of human beings, and need not lie beyond the extreme limits of practical philosophy. But this does not contradict Kant's thesis that "thing in itself" can't be an object of human knowledge. In his Appearance and Thing in Itself, An Essay on the Highest Good, 14 Lectures on the Meeting of Chinese and Western Philosophy, and his commentary on Critique of Practical Reason, Prof. Mou examines in detail Kant's distinction between "appearance" and "thing in itself", and shows its insufficiency. From this investigation he comes to the conclusion that only in the metaphysics of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, can this distinction fully establish its systematic meaning.

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¡@¡@This article aims at a better understanding of the conception of heaven and man in Han and Sung dynasties by analyzing the related materials in two books , Po-hu tung and I-ch'uan i-chuan.

¡@¡@In po-hu tung, heaven and earth are thought of as cosmological, dualistic, and externally deterning principles. They contain normative and natual elements respectively and stand as ruler to man. Society is established on san-kang liu-chi (¤Tºõ¤»¬ö, The three primary and six secondary relationships) which is a set of familial and political network objectively arranged by heaven. Man is required to performed an ethic according to the corresponding position he holds. The appearance of sages and the ascendency of monarchs are decided by the will of heaven which is dogmatic.

¡@¡@In contrast to Po-hu tung, I-ch'uan i-chuan. Contains ontological, monistic, and immanent principle. The creative principle of the universe is good in itself, so is the human nature. The evil results from lack of original good. Propriety and justice are for the purpose of controlling emotions. The principle of human combination is Kan-tung (·P³q, general commiseration). Monarchs should comply to heavenly principle and people's will, and trust upright and capable subjects. In general. I-ch'uan i-chuan has a rationalistic view on heaven and man.

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