Chuang Tzu's Views on "Making All Things Equal"

Wang Shu-min

　　Focusing on the chapter "Ch'i-wu lun" （"Discussion on Making All Things Equal" or "The Equality of Things"） with all references to ch'i-wu in other chapters as supplement , this paper analyzes Chuang Tzu's concept of ch'i-wu and argues that it means chiefly "forgetting of the self" , "abolishment of judgment" , and "transformation of things" . This paper concludes by stating that among the pre-Ch'in philosophers who deal with the concept of ch'i-wu , Chung Tzu has the most thorough and comprehensive views , for his are not abstract notions but experiential derivations .

Recovering the Original Meaning of the "Yang Sheng Chu" Chapter in Chuang-tzu

Chow Tse-tsung

　　The author considers this chapter a most important part of the Taoist classic , but one that has never been correctly understood . The article is divided into three sections .

　　Section 1 suggests that the chapter title "Yang Sheng Chu" may have a double meaning , i.e. , "Yang-sheng Chu"（Nourishing the Master of Life）. In the latter sense , the Master of life is the mine or the spirit . The author tries to prove with textual evidence that the title of the chapter and its main theme are derived from the ancient medical canon Huang-ti nei-ching（The Yellow Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine）. The key principle , "Follow （yuan） the central controlling meridian （tu） as a constant rule（ching）" , proposed in the chapter owes its origin to terminology found in the Internal Medicine . So do a number of other elements in the chapter .

　　Section 2 deals with Chuang-tzu's way of reasoning or the development of his argument . Chuang-tzu started by saying (1) that life might be harmed by seeking knowledge , if knowledge was regarded as exhaustible ; and (2) that life might also be hurt if morality or immorality was sought without restraint . The article discusses in detail the bothersome statements in the chapter : "If one does good , one should not approach fame ; if one does evil , one should not approach punishment" . The author has found certain similar statements and ideas expressed in Kuan-tzu , Lieh-tzu , I-Ching , and The Ten Great Classics （circa 400 B.C.）, which was recently discovered in a tomb of the Han dynasty . The article particularly offers a substantial study and a new explanation of the statement concerning evil and punishment .

　　Section 3 provides a new analysis of the organization of the chapter . The allegory of Cook Ting's cutting up an ox serves , as all previous scholars have known , to illustrate the main principle of the chapter . But the present author suggests that it also serves to explain the first of the four purposes or results of caring for life , as listed in the opening paragraph of the chapter . The ensuing three allegories illustrate the other three purposes respectively . Thus the scheme is :

　　Yang Sheng Chu : Follow the Central Meridian ─

　　the allegory of Cook Tings cutting up an ox .

　1. To preserve the body ─ the allegory of Cook Ting's cutting up an ox without damaging the knife.

　2. To keep one's life as a whole ─ the allegory of Kung-wen Hsuan , the man who was born with one leg .

　3. To sustain one's own life ─ the allegory of the pheasant , who prefers to make a hard living by itself in the swamp to being fed in a cage .

　4. To live out one's years ─ the allegory of Lao Tan's death and the unceremonious mourning by his friend Ch'in Shih .

　　The article also points out that concerning the third purpose the Chinese character ch'in does not mean "parents' but "one's self." It also provides new evidence for deciding for deciding a reasonable interpretation of the last and most controversial passage of the chapter about the touch burning out of grease , an analogy which says the body may have died but the spirit and life（fire） are not known as ended.

　　In conclusion , the author thinks the chapter is not mutilated . Instead , it is perfectly organized and well composed . It proves to be a most Significant chapter which makes Chuang-tzu a major philosopher in ancient Chins , one who put greater emphasis on individual freedom than has been previously realized .

《呂氏春秋》的貴生思想

劉殿爵

On the T'ao chen-jen nei-tan fu（A Fu on the Internal Pill by the Immortal T'ao）

Liu Ts'un-yan

　　The T'ao chen-jen nei-tan fu 陶真人內丹賦 （A Fu on the Internal Pill by the Immortal T'ao）is a short work in parallel-prose composed by the Taoist priest T'ao Chih 陶植 of the Northern Sung , who was flourishing probably not later than the early eleventh century . It is included in the Taoist Tripitaka（Tao-tsang 道藏 , No.121）, though the name of its composer is not given . The authorship of this work of T'ao's is again not clearly identified in other works , contemporary or otherwise , though in the dynastic history , the Sung-shih 宋史 , Ch.205 , another work of T'ao's , the P'eng-hu chi 蓬壺集 is mentioned , but the work , in 3 chuan , is known to have been lost since the burning of the apocryphal Taoist scriptures in 1258-59 and 1280-81 . （See Tao-tsang ch'ueh-ching mu-lu 道藏闕經目錄 , TT 1056）

　　However , the discovery of yet another work of T'ao's , the Huan-chin shu 還金述 or 還金術（The Transmutation of Baser Metals into Gold） in two versions in the Tao-tsang （TT 596 and TT 691 , the latter , the Yun-chi ch'i-ch'ien 雲笈七籤 or the Seven Collections from the Cloudy Tablets was compiled in 1019） has offered some textual evidence for the author of this paper to identify the authorship of the Fu . In this particular fu it contains also a commentary written by the same author .

　　About 150 years later from T'ao's time there appeared another fu of anonymity known as the Chin-tan fu 金丹賦（A Fu on the Golden Pill） which was printed together with a Commentary by a Ma Li-chao 馬蒞昭 who signed himself as a Follower of the Ta-tao 大道（Sect）, and who was active was active during the late Southern Sung or the early Yuan . A large part of the Chin-tan fu has been found to be identical with the Nei-tan fu written by T'ao , though Ma , its commentator , seemed to be ignorant of the existence of the earlier work and its identity . In Ma's Commentary he cities several Taoist works（besides the Ts'an-t'ung ch'i 參同契 , The Tallying Ideas of Taoist Cultivation with the Book of Changes） which were most important for the alchemic experiments at his time .As some of them are no more extant or in an inextricable conditions the present author has made a special effort to study the time and the nature of those works as well as offering some reasons why that one piece of fu has become available in two versions and was treated as such in the early times .

The Meditative Thinking and Budda-Chanting in the Main Texts of the Pure-Land Buddhism

Lo Chin-tang

　　The main classical texts on which the Pure-Land sect was based were 1) the Synopsis of the Aparimitayus Sutra , also known as the Larger Sukhavativyuha ; 2) The Buddha Speaks of Amitabha , i.e. , the Smaller Sukhavati-Vyuha ; and 3) the Amitayur-Dhyana Sutra , or the Sixteen Steps of Meditation on the Buddha Amitabha .

　　In the Qing Dynasty , Wei Yuan added to those three texts the last chapter of the Buddha-Avatamusaka Sutra or Flower Adornment Sutra , which is also known as Samantabhardra Boddhisattva's Ten Great Vows . All these constituted the so-called Four Sutras of the Pure-Land Sect .

　　Finally , Master Yin Guang of modern times added to the four texts the chapter of Boddhisattva Mahasthama of Shurangama Sutra which made the Five Classics of the Pure-Land Sect . Since then , those who practice with the Pure-Land Sect have all had to read the five texts .

　　This article will first discuss the Amitayur-Dhyana Sutra which was originally Sakyamuni's（561-483 B.C.） explanatory talk on Jing Ye San Fu（pure deeds and three blessings）(注1) to Queen Vaidehi and her five hundred maidservants at Magadha Palace of King Bimhisara in India . The three principal points of Jing Ye San Fu（pure deeds and three blessings） were : First , be filial to parents , show respect for and serve your teacher and elders , have a kind heart and never kill a living creature , and cultivate yourself in doing the ten good deeds ; (注2) second , accept and practice the three ways to follow Buddhist faith（san bo） , (注3) observe all the disciplines and conventions concerning appropriate behavior of man , (注4) and in the meantime , do not violate the required etiquette and manners as a buddhist ; (注5) and third , cultivate a heart of bodhi , (注6) and conceive a deep faith in cause and . effect , (注7)※ read and learn by heart Mahayana , and encourage those who practice it .

　　Secondly , this paper will move to the sixteen methods and steps with regard to how one is able to access to the Xitian realm of supreme blessedness , that is , by means of meditative thinking , holding in mind the images of the various supremeness and beauty in the Xitian realm as well as the magnificent vision of the Three Holies . （注8） In this way , the living creatures are made to understand what is to make a Buddha mind , that is , meditation of Buddha ,(注9) and how the Buddha of meditation can be reached . That also means that the individual's mind could manipulate ten thousand things in the universe . However , the general mind , just like a monkey that defies confinement , always tends to run away , making turns around things , but not being able to make things turn . This is why there is hardship and suffering . As we know it , any Buddhadharma could not be separated from the mind . If it is separated from the mind , all the sensory functions , such as seeing , listening , and eating , would cease . Therefore , Confucius also says , "When our mind is not attentive , we look without seeing , listen without hearing , and eat without tasting" . （Da Xue 8） This is absolutely true and undeniable to everybody .

　　The sixteen methods of meditative thinking as formulated in the Amitayur-Dhyana Sutra are meant to teach those who have superior roots and wisdom (注10) but not suitable for those who have inferior roots and wisdom . Sakyamuni therefore also explained the Buddha-chanting method enacted in The Buddha Speaks Amitabha and the Amitayur Dhyana Sutra . This method is not only good for those who have inferior roots and wisdom but also important for the superior-rooted and -wisdomed as well as for all Buddhist monks . There is no school of Buddhism which does not observe the Buddha-chanting method , which is therefore not exclusive to the Pure-Land Sect . However , what on earth is this Buddha-chanting method ? And how could one reach the Supreme Blessed Realm by an easier way ? This article will unfold a detailed introduction and exploration , combine theoretically meditative thinking and Buddha-chanting , and place them in an organic whole so that we will have a simple , efficient way of pursuing the Pure-Land Buddhism .

注釋：

(1)Jing ye means good karma , the deeds which lead to birth in the Pure-Land . San fu , the three（sources of） felicity : 1) The Amitabha Buddha Sutra has the felicity of (a) shi , i.e. , filial piety , regard for elders , keeping the ten commandments ; (b) jie , i.e. , disciplines of keeping the other commandments ; (c) xing , or practice of resolve on complete bodhi and the pursuit of the Buddha-way . Jing ye san fu is , therefore , the three things that bring a happy lot-almsgiving , impartial kindness and love , pondering over the demands of the life beyond .

(2)The ten good characteristics , or virtues , which were defined as the non-committal of the ten evils , are therefore the excellent karma resulting from practice of the ten commandments .

(3)San bo , i.e. , san gui , idem .

(4)Zhong jie ,here refers to the observation of all kinds of disciplines and conventions which are held by the masses .

(5)Bu fan wei yi means not relaxing the buddhist regulations concerning appropriate behaviors and postures when you travel , ask for a lodging , sit , or lie in bed .

(6)pu ti xin , that is , the mind for or of bodhi ; the awakened , or enlightened mind , the mind that perceives the real behind the seeming , believes in moral consequences , and that all have the Buddha-nature , and aim at Buddhahood .

(7)It means that there are cause-and-effect relations in every thing and event in the universe , that if there is an effect , there must be a cause , and vice versa . This is also called a cause and effect correspondence , that is , the automatic repayment in later life of whatever one has done on earth .

(8)The Three Holies are Amitabha , Avalokitesvara , and Boddhisattva Mahasthama .

(9)Shi xin shi fo means this mind is Buddha , and / or the mind of Buddha .

(10)Shang gen shang zhi are those who have superior character or capacity , e.g. with superior organs of sight , hearing , etc. , therefore , they have superior wisdom.

The Names and Meanings of Ssu min

Wang Erh -min

　　The familiar traditional Chinese social classification of ssu mim-shih（the scholar）, nung（the peasant）, kung（the artisan）, and shang（the merchant）─ was mainly a social ranking according to occupation . The concept of ssu-min and its occupational basis ranking are two paradigms first found in Kuan Tzu and Kuo Yu . As Kuan Tzu is , even by conservative estimation , a text formed during the late Warring States period（403-221 B.C.）, the term ssu-min and its four combinate are undoubtedly products of this period . But upon closer examination , one finds that the ssu-min concept and its combinations did not stabilize into norms until the Ch'in and Han dynasties ─ a period of almost six hundred years after their geneses .

Chang Hui-yen's Interpretation of Wen Fei-ch'ing's Pu-sa man Lyrics

Chang Yi-jen

　　The theme of unrequited love in the fourteen P'u-sa man lyrics（tz'u）by Wen Fei-ch'ing had been interpreted by the Ch'ing scholar Chang Hui-yen as an allegory of the frustration of the poet's personal ambition ─ an interpretation long ridiculed and attacked by later scholars . This paper , however , is in support of Chang's reading . Furthermore , this paper attempts to demonstrate that Chang's interpretation has shed new light on the stanzaic continuities , the sectional cohesiveness , and the dictional resonances of Wen's tz'u .

The Hermeneutics and History of the Terms Ning-wang , Ning-wu , Ning-k'ao , Ch'ien ning-jen , Ning-jen , and Ch'ien wen-jen in the Shang shu（尚書，Book of Documents）

Cheng Yuan-min

　　The character ning 寧 in ning-wang 寧王 , ning-wu 寧武 , ning-k'ao 寧考 , ch'ien ning-jen 前寧人 , ning jen 寧人, and ch'ien wen-jen 前文人 from the Book of Documents was interpreted as an 安（calm , stability）by scholars from the Han to the Sung Dynasties . According to them ning-wang means "a king who brings peace and stability to the world" , but in my opinion this definition is not acceptable . During the Ch'ing Dynasty Wu Ta-ch'eng 吳大澂 discovered that the character wen 文 had been mistaken for ning , and he convinced later generations . But later Chang Ping-lin 章炳麟 and the Swedish scholar Bernhard Karlgren argued that in terms of character form wen and ning were very unlikely to have been mistaken for each other , and thus another controversy began . In my article I examine the Classics together with their exegeses , history books , philosophy books , bronze inscriptions , and recent articles and prove that it was believed that King Wen 文王 had become the founder of the Chou Dynasty due to his merits as a ruler . The Book of Documents is filled with such praises of him . At the end of this article I conclude that ning-wang is without doubt the mistaken form of wen-wang.

The Historical Background of T'ang Ch'uan-ch'i "Sun K'o"

Wu Hung-i

　　"Sun K'o" , also known as "Miss Yuan" , is a famous T'ang ch'uan-ch'i tale that narrates the romance , marriage , and separation of Sun K'o and Miss Yuan during the Kuang-te years （763-764）. The authorship has been attributed to P'ei Hsing and others , and the content has been generally regarded as mere fantastic romance . Pioneering and prominent , Wang Meng-ou's studies believe that this story was originally inspired by the folk legend of the displaced imperial concubine during the military rebellion of the last years of Emperor Ming-huang . Utilizing the scholarship of Yu P'ing-po , Fu Le-ch'eng , and Lo Lung-chih with references to all related historical materials , this paper , through a process of explication de texte , arrives at a different conclusion and argues that this T'ang story is a roman á clef treating the mystery of the "death" of Emperor Ming-huang's consort Yang Kuei-fei during the military rebellion .

The Shou tz'u of Hsin Chia-hsuan

Lin Mei-i

　　The composition of shou tz'u（birthday lyric） is inherently restricted by the narrowness of the subject matter and the limitations of available allusions . The results are often ridiculed as bromides or platitudes . But Hsin Chia-hsuan's shou tz'u transcend the norm in three ways : (1) The choice of diction is particularly appropriate for the occasion ; (2) The tz'u often allegorizes personal ideals and lamentations , thus moving clearly beyond the usual cliches ; (3) Ten out of thirty-six of Chia-hsuan's shou tz'u are for immediate family members and relatives , hence they are far more emotionally charged .

A Critical Study of Chu Mou-wei's Shih ku 詩故

Lin Ch'ing chang

　　The study of Shih ching traditionally had revolved around the canonization or the dismissal of the Preface . Hsi's dismissal of the Preface in Shi chi-chuan was upheld until mid-Ming- a scholarly practice altered only by the appearance of Chu Mou-wei's Shih ku . Besides rehabilitating the first line of the Preface as the basis of explicating the meanings of the poems . Chu Mou-wei and his Shih ku can also be credited with the following intellectual achievement : (1) After promoting the significance of the Preface , Chu went on to provide important new readings of more than a hundred poems ─ some perhaps inspired by Sung scholarship ; (2) Chu made numerous textual rectifications of the titles and lines of the Shih ching poems and elaborated on or criticized the views of the Preface as he saw fit ; (3) Chu did not hesitate to criticize the predominant Sung views on sensuality , eroticism , and musicality in various poems ; (4) Chu also came up with his own ideas about the functions of poetry . In sum , Shih ku is a bridge between Sung interpretation and Ch'ing philology , marking the shift of research paradigms .

Kant's Theory of the "Radical Evil" as Compared with Mencius' Theory of Human Nature

Lee Ming-huei

　　After establishing his ethical system in Groundwork of the Metaphysic Morals and Critique of Critique Practical Reason , Kant also advances the theory of the "radical evil" in Religion within the Limits of Reason Alone , with the intention of expounding the anthropological origin of the morally evil , and then of building up a theory moral discipline . With regards to this , some scholars , for example . Prof. Julia Ching , look upon Kant as an advance of the thesis that man is evil by nature as opposed to Mencius , whose belief in man's original goodness represents the dominant thinking of Confucianism .In my opinion , this is a superficial viewpoint . In order to dispute this thesis , I fully analyse the philosophical implications of the theory of the "radical evil" and its place in Kant's ethical system , with a view to clarifying common misinterpretations .

　　While Kant regards the "radical evil" as "natural" or "inborn" , he also holds man responsible for its origin in origin in order to reconcile the apparent contradiction in his theory . My analysis tries to explain this issue .Further , I stress that the concept of "hsing" （性） in Mencius is not equivalent to that of "nature" in Western philosophy , because the two concepts belong to different levels of discussion . Kant views the "radical evil in human nature" on the empirical level of "practical anthropology" , whereas Mencius advances the theory that man is good by nature on the non-empirical level of "metaphysic of morals" . Not only are the two theories by no means contradictory , but they are complementary to each other . Moreover , even on the level of "practical anthropology" , Kant is not an advocate of the thesis that man is evil by nature , since he is convinced of the "original predisposition to good in human nature".

Class Struggle and the Awakening of Female Consciousness :

Ba Jin's Anarchist Utopianism in Turbulence , A Trilogy

Peng Hsiao-yen

　　Near the end of the Qing Dynasty anarchism began to hold sway over Chinese intellectuals , and their enthusiasm for it lingered on throughout the early Republican years . Did anarchist ideas such as anti-institutionalism , women's liberation , free love , and the utopian vision of a society characterized by freedom and equality leave any decisive marks on the form and content of May ? Fourth literature ? Starting from this perspective , I use Ba Jin's Turbulent Stream , A Trilogy（激流三部曲，1931） as an example to see how this work might have reflected the writer's anarchist tendency . Does it leave any traces in the characterization , plot , and formal aspects of the trilogy ? The main characteristics of Turbulent Stream include symbolic personalities , the juxtaposition between good and evil , a narrator with a biased stance , didactic language , the awakening of the consciousness of the repressed classes （especially women） , the hatred of the present world , and the yearning for a better society .These features can help us understand better the utopianism in May Fourth literature . To see how Turbulent Stream may have reflected Ba Jin's anarchist utopianism , I compare it with the classics of anarchism such as Kropotkin's works , the famous play Am Vorabend（1907）, and Emma Goldman's articles on women's liberation . The end of my study discusses why Turbulent Stream has been considered "non-realistic" by critics insisting on the realistic reading of May Fourth literature . The main reason is that instead of objectively representing the present world , works like Turbulent Stream criticize it from the writers' subjective viewpoints . And Marxist critics' relentless criticism of Turbulent Stream reveals that the spirit of freedom and equality expressed by the work is a strong threat to Marxism .

From Naturalism to Teleology : A Study of the General Principles of the Ontology of the Ch'eng Brothers

Chung Tsai-chun

　　In this article the author analyzes the general principles of the ontology of Ch'eng Hao and Ch'eng I and traces their connections .

　　Holding an Immanent Vitalism , Ch'eng Hao suggests by "the Oneness of Heaven and Man" that Heaven（t'ien）, being the same as Way（tao）, Divinity（shen）, and Creativity（sheng）, is completely immanent in Man（jen） and other creatures . By the concept of Heavenly Principle（t'ien-li）Ch'eng Hao means both the natureness of Existent Nature（ch'i-chih chih-shing） and the reality of Heavenly Way , thus implying a development from naturalism to teleology . By the concept of Destiny （ming）Cheng Hao also shows the twofold tendency and suggests a trust in Desting at the level of Heavenly Way .

The ontology of Ch'eng I has three phases : (1) Asserting the a priori permanence of the Way , he establishes a teleology of moral discipline . (2) Maintaining a strict division between Substance and Function , he identifies Principle with the transcendental and immovable Substance . (3) He delimits Destiny at the level of Material Force（ch'i）. However , since Way is to Destiny as Substance is to Function , moral effort may result in the changes in Destiny .

Transitory Life for Eternal Fame :

On Chinese Suicide

Lin Yuan-huei

　　Though love fame is human nature , buying fame at the price of one's life is by no means common in Western society . Yet , men dying for fame are found commonly in the course of Chinese history . This reflects the unusual weight carried by the notion of fame in Chinese culture . This article focuses on this subject and analyzes the correlation of suicide and fame in Chinese society .

　　With the exception of the Taoists , the concern for reputation is a common sentiment among the Chinese , regardless of social class , gender , profession , or career . The only difference is that the higher one's social status is , the more pronounced this fixation becomes . To attain widespread fame is even included in a larger Confucian moral project .

　　There are many means by which the Chinese achieved fame . However , in the main stream of Chinese culture , there is an endorsed formula for the establishment of reputation through either of the "three fulfillments" , namely , the fulfillment of virtue , the fulfillment of merit , and the fulfillment of doctrines . Suicide has nothing to do with the fulfillment of doctrines , and seldom has it to do with the fulfillment of merit . But it does frequently have to do with the fulfillment of virtue .

　　Among the Chinese suicides who died virtuously and attained everlasting fame are those who sought fame by fulfilling virtues . What they were concerned about is renown rather than virtue itself . However , what is the inner logic supporting the idea that a good name outweighs physical life? One possible explanation is that it might have something to do with the belief in the sympathetic magic of names , which have prevailed from the Chinese antiquities . Its most conspicuous characteristic is the notion that a person's name constitutes part of his soul . The ancient Chinese believed in the immortality of the soul provided that the name of the dead person is frequently evoked .

　　From the age of "hilosophic breakthrough"onward , the superstitious correlation between name and soul faded away from the rational minds . Instead , belief in "spiritual immortality" took place . Immortality can be attained only if one's virtue is remembered and celebrated by the whole society . In this sense , it can be said that those who acted suicidally for the sake of fame were in fact exchanging a transitory life for an eternal one .