中國文哲研究集刊

創刊號

Number 1   March 1991

讀沈既濟〈枕中記〉補考

提　要

　　沈既濟早負文名，然傳世之文章甚少，且皆為唐大曆末至貞元中因事而作之文。新舊書志皆不載其有文集，因疑其生平著述散佚者多，所餘僅為晚期作品，〈枕中記〉亦屬其一。

　　唐德宗即位，初名楊炎為宰相，楊炎薦沈既濟，一朝從冷署閒曹躋入靖要之地，兼修《建中實錄》為一代史臣。《建中實錄》十卷，今不存，其僅見於司馬光《通鑑考異》者，多有揄揚恃宰之辭，司馬光評為沈氏示好於楊炎者是也。

　　楊炎執政不及二年（自大曆十四年以至建中二年七月），罷相兩月後，即因受讒賜死崖州，沈既濟亦隨而謫往東南。計其受職修史，前後僅一年又十月，是其好夢未酣，即遭警醒，按所體驗，當有如〈枕中記〉中之盧生者。益以同年六月，蓋代勳臣郭子儀之喪，為之實錄者，不能無華屋山邱之感，此則於〈枕中記〉結局之安排猶依稀可辨也。

　　總之，〈枕中記〉寫成之年代當不早於唐建中二年（781）十月。

A Supplementary Study of Shen Chi-chi's "Chen-chung chi" （枕中記 , "The World Inside a Pillow"）

Wang Meng-ou

　　A renowned literary man as he was , little of Shen Chi-chi's 沈既濟（740-800） output , mostly written on important occasions between the Ta-li 大曆 and the Chen-yuan 貞元 periods of the T'ang Dynasty , has been known by posterity . Neither the new nor the old T'ang-shu 新舊唐書 recorded that a collection of his writings had existed , and it was presumed that a freat deal of them had been lost , and that the extant ones , including "Chen-chung chi" , were his later writings .

　　At Te-tsung's 德宗 entheronment , Yang Yen 楊炎 was appointed premier of the empire . Thanks to Yang's recommendation , Shen was promoted from a sinecure to an important position , and , as the court historian , undertook the writing of the Annals of the Chien-chung Period 建中實錄 . Ten volumes are believed to have not existed , of which the only extant fragments were recorded in Ssuma Kuang's T'ung-chien k'ao-i 通鑑考異 . These fragments are filled with encomiums of the contemporary premier , and Ssu-ma Kuang's comment is that Shen was soliciting Yang's favor .

　　Yang Yen's rule lasted less than two years（from the fourteenth year of Ta-li to the seventh month of the second year of Chien-chung）. Two months after he had lost his position , he was ordered to commit suicide st Yai Chou 崖州 as a result of a libel suit against him . Thereupon Shen Chi-chi was exiled to the southeastern border . His position as the court historian had lasted only one year and ten months . Likf Scholar Lu 盧生 in "Chen-chung chi" , Shen was awakened from a dream before it came to the happy denouement . In addition , the great heroic courtier Kuo Tzu-I 郭子儀 died in the sixth month of that year . As a court historian , Shen was bound to lament the perishing of power , and one seems to detect a similar development at the edn of "Chen-chung chi" .

　　The author of this article concludes that "Chen-chung chi" was written no early than the tenth month of the second year of Chien-chung（781）.

鍾嶸《詩品》概論

王叔岷

提　要

　　〈概論〉內容，計分一、引言，二、鍾嶸生卒年，三、寫《詩品》年代及態度，四、《詩品》凡例，五、《詩品》內容，六、評詩標準，七、《詩品》文體，八、結語。凡八端。二、三、四、五、六所論，近人治《詩品》者，已偶有涉及。惟立論非僅詳略各殊，識解亦頗有出入。如第六，論「評詩標準」：一、「重性情反對用典」，二、「重風力反對說理」，三、「重自然音韻反對聲律」，四、「重華靡而輕質直」，五、「重清雅而忌險俗」，六、「取華艷而輕淫靡」。分此六目，皆詳細論證。又如第五，論「詩品內容」，所列 「三派詩人表」，屬於〈國風〉派曹植，亦兼屬〈小雅〉派。屬於〈小雅〉派之阮籍，亦兼屬〈國風〉派。重新加以聯繫。至於第七，論「詩品文體」，三品評語，幾皆散文，與齊、梁駢儷之體迥別，而頗受司馬遷《史記》詞意影響，此則更無人道及者矣。

　

　

On Chung Jung's Shih p'in（詩品，An Evaluation of Poetry）

Wang Shu-min

　　This essay is divided into eight section: 1) introduction , 2) Chung Jung's 鍾嶸（465-518）life span , 3) the years of the composition of the Shih p'in and Chung's attitude as suthor , 4) the principles of its composition , 5) its contents , 6) the criteria followed in Chung's poetics , 7) the genre in which it is written , and 8) concluding remarks .

　　Although the problems set forth in sections (2) , (3) , (4) , (5) , and (6) have been psrtly treated by recent scholars on the Shih p'in , this study is more detailed and its conclusion is different . For instance , in Section Six , the suthor divides Chung's poetic criteria into six items: 1) a preference for the expression of sentiments over Classical references , 2) a preference for emotional response over logical persuasion , 3) a preference for natural rhythm over stylized versification , 4) a preference for polish over straight forwardness , 5) a preference for elegance over stilted language , and 6) a preference for embellishment over licentiousness . For another example , in Section Five in the discussion of the contents of the Shih p'in , the three schools of poetic style are re-evaluated . Ts'ao Chih 曹植 , originally considered as belonging to the kuo-feng 國風 school , can also be included in the hsiao-ya 小雅 school , while Juan Chi 阮籍 , a poet of the hsiao-ya school , can likewise be included in the kuo-feng school . In Section Seven , in which the genre of Shih p'in is discussed , it is pointed out that almost all the parts discussing the three classes of poets are written in prose , as a sharp contrast to the three classes of poets of the Ch'i-Liang 齊梁 style . It is clear that Chung was influenced by the style of Ssu-ma Ch'ien's Shih chi 史記 . So far this has not been discussed by other scholars .

　

後周整理樂章與宋初詞學有關諸問題

提　要

　　宋代學術，多承接後周，周祚雖短，有復古傾向，而制禮作樂，開宋學的新局。書學、古文字學以及詞學，無不皆然。詞何以在宋代特別發達，實與後周之整理樂章有密切關係。

　　本文從這一重點加以發揮，指出五代官方有「別撰樂章、舞曲，令歌者誦習」一事，為促進公、私曲詞寫作之緣由。和凝次子和峴在乾德六年十月上疏即陳其事。今《全宋詞》第一首六州、十二時即其一例。五代宋初，雅樂與教坊曲在朝廷混雜使用，唐代梨園樂章在歌筵宴會上仍極盛行，曲子多用於歌舞場合。敦煌卷子中如題顯德五年間抄本的舞譜，正可說明這一事實。當時樂章舞曲歌辭可由太常寺保管，五代有許多與整理樂章有關之人士，大都是太常寺裡之負責人員。柳永的《樂章集》，何以命名曰「樂章」，由於他嘗官「太常博士」，他未之人必曾掌握許多的樂章之材料。觀於《樂章集》中長調之多，及柳氏所進之新曲，了明其故。柳詞所以有承先啟後之地位而取得高度成就，應該和他任職太常寺得到舊樂章的灌溉吸取養料，不無關係。

　

　

Problems Regarding the Compilation and Revision of Court Music in the Later Chou Dynasty and the Poetics of Tz'u in the Early Sung

Jao Tsung-i

　　The scholarly tradition of the Sung Dynasty was to a large extent inherited from the Later Chou Dynasty . Although the latter lasted only a very short period （951-960） , there was at that time a tendency to revive ancient studies , and its efforts in establishing national protocol and music opended up new vistas for the Sung Dynasty . It was the same in the study of calligraphy , bronze inscriptions , and the poetics of tz'u . The flourishing of tz'u in the Sung Dynasty was closely connected with the compilation and revision of music in the Later Chou .

　　With the understanding mentioned above , the author of this article points out that during the period of the Five Dynasties （907-960）the ciurt promoted the composition of music and tunes for dancing , and ordered the traning of court sinfers . This led to a flourishing of popular as well as court music . In the tenth month of the second year of the Ch'ien-te 乾德 period（944） , Ho Hsien 和峴 , the sevond son of Ho Ning 和凝 , submitted s memorial to the emperor expounding on this on this phenomenon . The former's two tz'u verses written in the melodies of “Liu Chou”六州 and “Shiherh Shih” 十二時 collected in the Ch'uan Sung-tz'u 全宋詞 （Complete Collection of Sung Ts'u） can best illustrate the influence of the music prevailing at the time . During the period of the music prevailing at the time . During the period of the Five Dynasties and the early Sung , both court music and popular music were performed at court , while the theatrical music of the T’ang Dynasty（695-905） was also prevailing in recitals , dances and banquets . This fact can be proven by a hand copy of the music for dancing dated the fifth year of Hsien 顯德 （958） found in the Tun-huang 敦煌 archives . At that time it was the huty of the T'ai-ch'ang Ssu 太常寺 （Ministry of Rites and Ceremonies） to keep records of music , dances and songs . A lot of people who were involved in the compilation and revision of music were officials in that organization . The Yueh-chang 樂章集 by Liu Yung 柳永（987-1053） was so named because he was once such an official . With his easy access to the materials collected there , it is no wonder that ch’ang tiao 長調（long verses） abound in his Yueh-chang chi , and that he was such a prolific composer of dance music himself . His artistic achievement as a tz'u poet who occupied a turning point in its history was closely related to his affiliation with the T'ai-ch'ang Ssu .

　

楚恭王熊審盂跋

提　要

　　美國大都會博物館所藏楚器，銘文有「楚王■■之■」六字，即楚共王熊審之器。本文據漢印及其他金文證明■即是審字，進而考證楚共王在古籍上所見之重要事蹟與名號異文，年代起訖。

　　就■字之異形比勘，確定其為盂字，古書亦作杅，可以補入《金文編》。

　　至於此器鑄造方法乃用失蠟法，從現有出土資料用失蠟法鑄成之器可以確定其時代者，以此共王器為最早。

　

　

The Inscription on the Receptacle Owned by Hsiung-shen , King Kung of Ch'u（B.C. 590-560）

Jao Tsung-i

　　Among the collections in the Metropolitan Museum in New York is a ritual implement of the State of Ch'u . Six words are inscribed on it , 楚王■■之■ , which can be identified as 楚共王熊審之器 . In this study the author uses evidence found in the inscription on the seals of the Han Dynasty and other kinds of inscriptions to prove that the character ■ is actually 審 , and thereby to identify the historical events connected with King Kung and the various official names used by him as recorded in ancient texts .

　　From the variations of the character■ , the author also proves that it is the word 盂 . In ancient texts it is written as 杅 . This finding can be added to the section in Chin-wen pien 金文編 treating the same subject .

　　The above-mentioned ritual implement was made with the “losing wax method” 失蠟法 . It is the oldest of the datable extant implements made with this method .

　

呂氏春秋的幾個文獻問題及其在成書上的意義

提　要

　　《呂氏春秋》不是一部先定了一個大綱然後按照計畫編纂而成的作品。

　　首先，〈十二紀〉似乎是獨立成書的，理由是：一、從〈序意篇〉檢討內容的先後和它在全書的位置可以推斷〈十二紀〉曾經單獨出版。二、〈十二紀〉有一節文字重見於〈八覽〉，從避諱的角度看此兩部分在傳承上有所不同；這情形在高誘作注時就是如此。三、所有在「解在乎」一語之後出現的故事都不見於〈十二紀〉，原因可能是〈十二紀〉的成書年代在〈八覽〉之前。

　　其次，〈八覽〉原來的編纂計畫似乎是「經」「解」配合的，但這一計畫並未付諸實行。原來打算用在「解」的材料分散到全書各處，其中一部分收在〈六論〉裡。從此可見今本《呂氏春秋》〈紀〉、〈覽〉、〈論〉的次序，反映了這三部份的成書先後。

　

　

A Study of Some Textual Problems in the Lu-shih ch’un-ch’iu 呂氏春秋 and Their Bearing on Its Composition

by D.C.Lau

The Lu-shih ch’un-ch’iu 呂氏春秋 wasnot a collection compiled according to a preconceived plan .

The first point made in the article is that the twelve chi 紀（schemata） seem to have been a separate work . The evidence is as follows : first , the position of the postface entitled “Hsu yi” 序意篇 in the whole work , together with its contents , points to the twelve chi having been published separately ; second , in a passage paralleled in the eight lan 覽（surveys） , the difference in the observance of taboo characters points to a separate transmission and this was to down to the time of Kao Yu’s 高誘 exegesis of the Lu-shih ch’un-ch’iu ; third , none of the illustrative stories introduced by the formula chieh tsai hu 解在乎（the explanation lies in） is to be found in the twelve chi , probably because they were composed before the eight lan .

The second argument is that the eight lan seem to have been conceived on the plan of ching 經（classic） and chieh 解（commentary） , and this plan was apparently abandoned . The material meant to be used as chieh was used freely in later books . Part of such material found its way into the six lun 論 . From here we can conclude that the order of chi , lan , lun in the existing Lu-shih ch’un-ch’iu reflects the order in which the three parts were compiled .

對於如何理解中國哲學之探討與建議

提　要

　　不同哲學傳統間之溝通，一向是公認的難題。就中國哲學而言，由於其目的、功能及探究方式均與西方哲學有極大的差異，更不易為西方學人所了解。本文旨在幫助西方哲學傳統下之學人了解中國哲學思想，乃從兩個層面試求解決此種溝通上之難題。第一步，對「哲學概念」作一修改，以「開放的哲學概念」代替「封閉的哲學概念」，以期脫出學派成見之限制。第二步，重新畫定哲學之功能，將「引導功能」與「認知功能」並列，顯出非西方傳統之中國哲學傳統之特性，以期超越特殊傳統之限制。最後，以孟子及莊子學說為例，闡釋中國之引導性哲學思想。

（本文原以英文撰寫，載於牛津大學出版之《了解中國心靈》論集；茲改寫為中文，僅在語氣方面稍作調整，論旨全無改變。）

　

　

　

■

Understanding Chinese Philosophy : An Enquiry and a Proposal

by Lau Ssu-kuang

The communication between different philosophical traditions always constitutes a difficult problem . As far as Chinese philosophy is concerned , since its goal , function and methods of study are greatly distinct from those of Western philosophy , it is harder for Western scholars to understand . Intending to help scholars trained in the Western philosophical tradition to understand Chinese philosophy , the author of the present paper tries to solve this communication problem from two angles . First , he revises the general “concept of philosophy” and proposes the “open concept of philosophy” in place of the “closed concept of philosophy” , so that the boundaries between different schools can be crossed . Second , he redefines the function of philosophy , juxtaposing its “orientation function” against its “cognitive function” , so as to put in relief the difference between Chinese and Western philosophical traditions , and to transcend their limits . Finally , he uses the philosophies of Mencius and Chuang-tzu to illustrate the orientation function of Chinese Philosophy .

This article was originally written in English and collected in Understanding the Chinese Mind , published in 1989 by Oxford University Press . Except for a slight readjustment in tone , all the arguments in the Chinese version here remain the same as those in the original .

也談《詩經》的興

提　要

　　本文提出四點意見：一、孔子所說「詩可以興」的興，與興體的名稱無直接關係。二、〈麟之趾〉一詩，可為興句取義的內在證明。改易〈桃夭〉、〈東山〉詠新婚的興句，可見興句不得無義。詩雖間有只取趁韻的文字，但非興體獨有之現象，比賦亦然。三、比自智出，興由感來，兩者的區分，自摯虞以來早有明辨。由於心的「自行」、有不期而然的興會，故有興句所言非眼前景者。四、興體為詩所獨具，故《毛傳》獨標興體；比賦只是相對於興建立的名號。興是詩的起頭，是以恆在章首；言此賦，當以不在章首為限。章中間有興，必在換韻的開端；換韻，等於章節的另起。所謂章末之興，不僅詩中無有，根本亦不合語意。

　

　

On the Technique of Hsing in the Shih ching（詩經，Book of Poetry）

by Lung Yu-ch’un

Four points are made in this article : 1) The technique hsing 興 has no direct connection with the Confucisn statement , “Poetry can stir up human emotions”（Shih k’e i hsing 詩可以興）. 2) From the poem “Lin chih chih” 麟之趾 , one can see that the technique hsing involves not only phonological patterns but also the intrinsic meaning of the poem . Although words of pure rhythmical patterns do exist , they are not restricted to the hsing verses ; the pi 比 and the fu 賦 verses also have them . 3) It has been known since Chih Yu 摯虞（d. 311） that while the pi involves the human intellect , the hsing is derived from emotions . Since emotions operate instinctively , they tend to make free associations . As a result , the hsing verses may refer to scenes in the past as well as the present . 4) The hsing is unique to the Shih ching 詩經 , therefore the Mao exegesis of the Shih ching emphasizes the hsing technique , while the pi technique derives its name from its nature as distinct from that of the hsing . The hsing verses mark the beginning of a poem and are always used to start a stanza . The opening lines of a poem are sufficient for us to judge whether its main technique is fu , pi , or hsing . If used in the middle of a stanza , the hsing verses must coincide with the change of rhyme , a marker technically equal to the beginning of a anew stanza . It is meaningless to talk about the hsing verses at the end of a stanza , and such a term would be contradictory to the semantic implications of the hsing .

溫飛卿詞舊說商榷續

張以仁

提　要

　　此文係繼本人舊作〈溫飛卿詞舊說商榷〉一文之續作，對以往學者有關溫詞之解說，續提商討意見。文中論及溫詞凡十八首，計〈菩薩蠻〉十四首，〈歸國謠〉十首，〈楊柳枝〉三首。商榷問題共三十六事，其中涉及語義、賞析、校勘、音韻、名物、考訂等方面，商略是非、指陳美惡、疏深導淺、發隱闡微，尤於八其〈菩薩蠻〉十四詞之為別有寄託之作之案，多列理據以證成之，以展露溫詞深美閎約之雅思睿想。

　

　

On the Traditional Theories about Wen Fei-ch'ing's Lyrics（Part Ⅱ）

by Chang Yi-jen

This is Part Ⅱ of a previous article bearing the same title by the author . He presents in this study more commentaries on the theories about Wen Fdi-ch'ing's 溫飛卿（812-870） lyrics by previous scholars . Eighteen of Wen's lyrics are covered , including fourteen in the melody of "P'u-sa man" 菩薩蠻 , one in the "Kui-kuo yao" 歸國謠 , and three in the "Yang-liu chih" 楊柳枝 . While evaluating Wen's lyrics , the author analyses in detail their meaning and versification . He compares various version and points out the typographical errors in some of them . Proofs are cited to bring to light the underlying meaning of the fourteen lyrics in the "P'u-sa man" and to illustrate the profundity and wisdom embedded in Wen's lyrics .

朱熹的思想究竟是一元論

提　要

　　朱熹的思想究是一元論或是二元論？學者聚訟不息，似無定論。各種說法固然言之成理，持之有故，但我覺得，如果能夠把觀點層次分開，許多矛盾衝突或者可以化解大半。我的意思是，由形上構成的角度看，朱熹是二元論；由功能實踐的角度看，朱熹對於終極的體證偏離於孟子的直貫型態，確有一間之隔。但朱熹所以主張二元，是為了要保住理的超越性。陽明以降的一元論容易陷落在內在之中，造成超越意義的減煞。從工夫論的觀點看，朱熹對陸象山的追隨者的批評，實涵有一種先見，恰好可以針對王門後學的蕩越有所針砭，而有其不可忽視的意義。

　

　

Chu Hsi's System of Thinking : Monistic or Dualistic ?

by Shu-hsien Li

The question has troubled scholar's minds for years . There does not seem to be a good solution accepted by all . In this article I propose to see the problem from two different perspectives : ontological and functional . Only when both perspectives are taken into account , can a coherent picture of Chu Hsi's thinking emerge . As Chu His maintains that li 理（principle） and chi 氣（vital force ）must not be mixed up with each other , he is to be regarded as a dualist from an ontological point of view . But as he also maintains that li and ch'i work closely together to the extent that they cannot be separated from each other , he is to be seen as a monist from a functional point of view . The two perspectives are not contradictory but complementary to each other .Chu His's dualism is inconsistent with Menciu's thinking ; actually he does not seem to be able to fully appreciate the latter's insight .But Chu Hsi's approach has its significance from the perspective of self-discipline , as it can safeguard the transcendence of li and help to avoid the pitfalls of a monism that sees immanence only ; he seems to have foreseen the bad influence of some of the impudent followers of Wang Yang-ming .

王弼易學中的玄思

提　要

　　本文討論王弼《易》學中的玄學思想。作者在王氏《周易略例》與《周易註》中，歸納出王氏《易》學的重要觀念，有卦以存時、爻以示變、彖以明體象以盡意四項。這是我們了解王氏《易》學的關鍵。其中涉及卦、爻的兩項，有王氏據傳解經發展出來的洞見；而涉及彖、象的兩項，則有他援《老》入《易》發展出來的卓識。後者已具玄思的成份。

　　作者又在王弼的《周易註》中，分析出四項重要的論式，即：無陽而以之成，無陰而陰以之生，無應而應以之大，無知而知以之明。這是王氏用以指點玄理的獨特方式。從這裡可以看出王氏玄學的主導思想，那就是明「無」必因於「有」，全「有」必返於「無」。作者認為王氏的這種玄思蘊涵著一種道家形態的工夫論與本體論。我們可以從會通儒、道思想與開拓《易》學領域兩個角度來評估王氏這種玄思的意義。

　

　

The Metaphysical Thinking in Wang Pi’s Interpretation of the I Ching（易經，Book of Changes）

by Tai Lien-chang

This essay discusses the metaphysical thinking in Wang Pi’s 王弼（226-249） interpretation of the Book of Changes . The author of this article sums up four basic concepts as shown in Wang’s Chou-i lueh-li 周易略例 and Chou-i chu 周易註 : to conceive time by means of kua 卦 , to demonstrate changes by means of yao 爻 , to understand the substance of things by means of t’uan 彖 , and to grasp their import by means of hsiang 象 . The first two concepts are developed from his understanding of the I chuan 易傳 , while the latter two are conceived from a borrowing of the ideas in the Lao-tzu 老子 .

The author then draws out from Wang Pi’s Chou-i chu four significant arguments : non-yang 無陽 through which yang is achieved , non-yin 無陰 through which yin is born , non-response 無應 through which response is growing , and non-knowledge 無知 through which knowledge is illustrated . This is the unique way Wang unfolds the metaphysical truth in the I Ching . From here we can see the guiding principles in Wang’s reading of the I Ching , which are that the illumination of the non-being 無 is based on the being 有 , and that the preservation of the being must return to non-being . The author believes that underlying Wang’s metaphysics is a Taoist type of theory of practice and ontology . We may then evaluate Wang’s metaphysis from two angles : his combining Confucianism with Taoism , and his attempt to open up new perspectives in the study of the I Ching .

聲韻學知識用於推斷文學作品時代與真偽之限度

丁邦新

提　要

　　本文試從聲韻學知識用於辨偽之適用性，及文學作品本身所具的性質兩方面，對利用聲韻線索以判斷作品年代與真偽之方與限，作一檢討。文中對不同的文體，以及相關的聲韻資料，分別進行了深入的討論。結論指出：這種方法基本可行，但有其限制，並不是無往不利的工具。

　

　

The Limits of Phonological Methods in Determining the Date and Authenticity of a Literary Work

by Ting Pang-hsin

Basing on both the validity of phonological methods and the characteristics of literary works themselves , the author of this article examines such methods when used in determining their date and authenticity . Different genres and their phonological patterns are discussed in depth . In conclusion the author points out that , though basically applicable , these methods have their limits , far from being a dependable tool .

　

　

尚書寧王寧武寧考前寧人寧人前文人解之衍成及其史的觀察(上)

提　要

　　《尚書》「寧王、寧武、寧考、前寧人、寧人」之「寧」，漢至宋人多為「安」，謂是「安天下之王」、「安武事」、「寧祖聖考」、「祖宗安人」，義決不可通。至清吳大澂始發現此諸「寧」乃「文」字之誤，後人多深信不疑。惟吳汝綸闓生父子、章炳麟、西人高本漢疑二字形體尚不致相淆。余廣采古文字形，證二字形近易偽，以充實吳說。更因《尚書》言「寧王以德始受天命建國」，遍求文武事跡於經、經解、緯、史、子、彝銘及近人論文，證同文王昌始受天命創建周國稱王改元，而周武王發但繼受天命伐商定邦而已；且文獻盛稱文王美德，稱武王則鮮及其德望，故斷此「寧王」確是「文王昌」。《禮記》引《尚書．君奭》「寧王」作「文王」，鄭玄以下，頗有執以勘校《尚書》者，惜皆未盡正確。余通考全篇，貫穿文義，比次史跡，定其篇「前人、寧王、文王」同指姬昌一人，於是「寧」字誤、「文」字正，灼然無可疑矣。

　

　

The Hermeneutics and History of the Terms Ning-wang , Ning-wu , Ning-k'ao , Ch'ien ning-jen , Ning-jen , and Ch'ien wen-jen in the Shang shu（尚書，Book of Documents）

by Cheng Yuan-min

The character ning 寧 in ning-wang 寧王 , ning-wu 寧武 , ning-k'ao 寧考 , ch'ien ning-jen 前寧人 , ning jen 寧人, and ch'ien wen-jen 前文人 from the Book of Documents was interpreted as an 安（calm , stability）by scholars from the Han to the Sung Dynasties . According to them ning-wang means "a king who brings peace and stability to the world" , but in my opinion this definition is not acceptable . During the Ch'ing Dynasty Wu Ta-ch'eng 吳大澂 discovered that the character wen 文 had been mistaken for ning , and he convinced later generations . But later Chang Ping-lin 章炳麟 and the Swedish scholar Bernhard Karlgren argued that in terms of character form wen and ning were very unlikely to have been mistaken for each other , and thus another controversy began . In my article I examine the Classics together with their exegeses , history books , philosophy books , bronze inscriptions , and recent articles and prove that it was believed that King Wen 文王 had become the founder of the Chou Dynasty due to his merits as a ruler . The Book of Documents is filled with such praises of him . At the end of this article I conclude that ning-wang is without doubt the mistaken form of wen-wang.

趙執信《談龍錄》研究

吳宏一

提　要

　　本文旨在研究趙執信（1662-1744）的論詩名著《談龍錄》，就其版本異同、相關文獻、寫作動機、論詩主張以及對後世的影響，作較為周延而深入的討論。

　　全文約三萬字，分為下列六節：

1. 緒論：說明研究的動機與步驟。
2. 《談龍錄》的寫作動機：就趙氏該書自序，探討《談龍錄》的寫作背景。趙氏持論所以與王士禎不同者，或與其廣交江南文士如閻若璩、顧以安等人有關。
3. 《談龍錄》內容析論之一：重點帶析論趙氏對王士禛的抨擊，就抨擊王氏之詩作、詩論與為人三方面加以論述。並探討所以嚴厲抨擊王氏的原因。
4. 《談龍錄》內容析論之二：重點在析論趙氏自己的論詩主張。發現他固然深受馮班、吳喬等人影響，但他所揭舉的論詩之語，無不與抨擊王士禛有關。
5. 《談龍錄》的餘響：說明後人對趙氏《談龍錄》的看法。
6. 結語：歸結全文，作成六點結論。

A Study of Chao Chih-hsin's T'an lung lu（談龍錄，Discourses on the Metamorphosis of the Dragon）

by Wu Hung-I

The subject of this study is T'an lung lu , a famous work discussing poetry by Chao Chih-hsin 趙執信（1662-1744）. The different editions of this work , related documents , the intention of the author , his theories of poetics and its influence on later writers are all analyzed .

This article is divided into the following six sections:

1. Preface : The aim and the outline of this study ,

2. The intention of the author of the T'an lung lu : Based on Chao's own preface to the work , the author discusses its literary background . Chao's theories as distinct from those of Wang Shih-chen 王士禎（1634-1711） might have been influenced by his association with the literary circle in the South , which included writers like Yen Juo-ch'u 閻若璩 and Ku I-an 顧以安 .

3. The first argument : In this section Chao's criticism of Wang's poetry , poetics , and personality is discussed together with the reasons for Chao's relentless criticism .

4. The second argument : Chao's own poetics is discussed . The author discovers that as much influenced as Chao was by people like Feng Pan 馮班 and Wu Ch'iao 吳喬 , his poetics were mainly composed as a criticism of Wang Shih-chen .

5. The influence of the T'an lung lu : How later generations have thought about the work is discussed in this section .

6. Conclusion : Six conclusions are drawn here.

五經大全之修纂及其相關問題

提　要

　　《五經大全》修纂於明成祖永樂十三年（1415），歷來學者對其修纂動機、修纂人、取材問題，和經學衰落的關係，往往未有正確的認識。經本文研究後，發現：(一)成祖修纂《大全》，除想繼承道統外，也有籠絡士人，消除怨怒之氣的作用。(二)修纂人，除一般所知的四十二人外，《永樂大典》的總裁陳濟，可能也有參加意見。(三)取材方面，與顧炎武、朱彝尊、《四庫提要》等書所說，略有出入。(四)《大全》雖頒為士人考試用書，但當時考試都用八股文，士人僅讀八股文範本，不但不讀《大全》，經書也廢棄了。所以，明代經學衰落，實導因於八股文，而非《五經大全》。

　

　

On the Compilation of Wu-ching ta-ch'uan 五經大全 and Related Problems

by Lin Ch'ing-chang

Wu-ching ta-ch'uan 五經大全 （A Grand and Complete Collection of the Exegeses of the Five Classics） was compiled in 1415 . Knowledge about the motive for its compilation , compilers , sources and its relation to the decline of the study of the Classics has been insufficient . The author of this study reaches the following conclusions :

1. Emperor Ch'eng-tsu 成祖〔of the Ming〕ordered its compilation with a view both to following the Classical tradition and to gaining literary men's favor by way of rechanneling their anger against him.

2. As to the compilers , besides the forty-two literary men usually known , the vice-editor of the Yung-lo ta-tien 永樂大典（Grand Repository of the Yung-lo Era） , might have offered his opinions on its compilation .

3. With regard to its sources , the views of Ku Yen-wu 顧炎武 , Chu I-tsun 朱彝尊 , and the editors of the Ssu-k'u t'i-yao 四庫提要（Annotative List of the Complete Library of the Four Branches of Books） are not wholly reliable .

4. Although the Wu-ching ta-ch'uan was stipulated as the standard textbook for the civil examinations , it was not to blame for the decline of the study of the Classics . Since the required genre used in writing the examinations was the pa-ku wen 八股文（eight-legged essay） , students needed only to study the model essays in that genre . Under such circumstances , not only the Wu-ching ta-ch'uan , but the Classics themselves were ignored .

沈從文的烏托邦世界：苗族放事及鄉土故事研究

提　要

　　傳統上沈從文被認為是寫實作家，實際上卻是一個理想主義者，他不滿社會現狀，冀望於建立一個未來新中國。從這角度看來，沈氏的理想主義，其實是本世紀初期大多數中國知識分子所共有的烏托邦式遠景；當時文人深深感受到社會各層面的危機，相信惟有全面改革才能救中國。沈氏於1920年代寫了一系列苗族故事，把苗族社會描寫成理想國化身，他所推崇的苗族習俗，頗為類似無政府主義式自由戀愛（反婚姻）和反政府的精神。由同樣角度看，沈氏一向被認為是寫實傑作的主要作品，例如《湘行散記》（1934-5）和《長河》（1943）等，也透露出當時風行的平民革命傾向。最後分析的作品是〈知識〉，這是沈氏的一篇寓言式的短篇小說，描寫一名知識分子「頓悟」（也就是得到真知識）後，慨然放棄一切，追隨農民上山，為農民而戰鎮。在文學批評課題上，本文提出有關「主導文學」和「邊際文學」的討論。有別於五四時期主導的寫實趨勢，沈從文是否有意藉苗族故事和鄉土故事這類的邊際文類，表明他在小說美學上及政治上的特殊立場？

　

　

Shen Ts'ung-wen's Utopian Vison : A Study of His Miao Remances and Country Stories

by Peng Hsiao-yen

Shen Ts'ung-wen , traditionally considered a realistic writer , was actually an idealist who criticized the contemporary society with a view to constructing a better future for China . Seen from this perspective , Shen's idealism was in fact part of the utopian vision shared by most Chinese intellectuals at the turn of the century , who were beset by a strong sense of crisis at all levels of Chinese society , and were convinced that the future of China lay in large-scale reform . The ideal life led by the tribespeople as envisioned in Shen's Miao romances , published during the 1920s , smacks of the anarchist spirit of free love （a form of anti-marriage as an institution）and anti-government . His major works such as Hsiang-hsing san-chi 湘行散記（Travels in Hunan ; 1934-5） and Ch'ang-he 長河（Long River ; 1943）, examined from a similar angle , reveal the tendency toward proletarian revolution prevailing in his time . Chih-shih 知識（Knowledge ; 1934）, a fable about an intellectual who follows the peasants to the mountains in order to fight for their cause , epitomizes Shen's idea of the "knowledge" of truth that awaits discovery and that entails a total conversion to the people's cause . One of the major issues discussed in this paper is the relationship between literary canons and "the marginal" . In exploring marginal genres such as the Miao romances and the country stories as opposed to the dominant May Fourth realistic tendency , was Shen declaring an esthetic as well a political stance ?

二程心性說析論

鍾彩鈞

提　要

　　本文採發展觀點，由「出釋老而返儒家」的角度觀察明道的心性說，並找尋由明道至伊川的發展軌跡。明道青年時代更明白主儒家入世立場，然而用語與思考方式尚受釋老影響。在成熟期，所謂心是禪宗「平常心」的的客觀化與道德化。同時，因為向客觀方向發展，且為了解決現實之性的善惡問題，更從氣質角度提出性說。伊川心性說，早年便以道德範疇言性，以道德的認識與實錢能力言心。在此基礎上，晚期更發展出「極本窮源之性」與「生之謂性」兩分的看法。又謂氣之清濁決定才的賢愚，性善由才而實現卻不由才而成立。至於心概念的發展，則經過中和觀念的討論，發展出「心體」觀，不單就知覺言心，而使之伸向未發的領域。心體指個人主體，然而是「性之有形者」，故可為天下之大本。又因為不以知覺言心體，故在修為工夫上，呈現出涵養或敬的重要性。

　

　

An Analysis of the Theory of Human Nature and Mind in the Philosophy of the Two Ch'engs

by Tsai-chun Chung

From a developmental viewpoint the author of this article traces Ch'eng Hao's 程顥（alias 明道 , 1032-1085）theory of human nature and mind through his original Confucianism , his conversion to Buddhism and Taoism , and final embrace of Confucianism . He then reviews Ch'eng I's 程頤（alias 伊川 , 1033-1107）theory as developed from Ch'eng Hao's concept .

A declared Confucianist from his late twenties on , Ch'eng Hao failed to conceal the influence of Buddhism and Taoism on his diction and mode of thought . As he reached maturity his concept of the mind （心） became an objectification and a moralization of the "everyday mind" （平常心） of Zen Buddhism . In addition , he equated human nature （性） with physical nature （氣質之性） so as to objectify as well as to resolve the problem of evil in human nature .

During his early years Ch'eng I already confined human nature in moral categories , and described the mind as the knowing and moral behaving subject . Later he developed the twofold view of "ultimate nature" （極本窮源之性） and "existent nature" （生之謂性）. He also maintained that a person's capacity （his wisdom or foolishness） is determined by the clarity or turbidity of the vital force （氣之清濁） , while the goodness of human nature is actualized by , but not founded upon , one's capacity . As to the concept of the mind , Ch'eng I developed the idea of the mind substance （心體） , a state of mind before consciousness , by means of discussing the problem of "equilibrium and harmony"（中和）. The mind substance , equivalent to the knowing subject , is , however , the "human nature in concreteness"（性之有形者）, which may therefore be "the great foundation of the world"（天下之大本）. In line with his view of the mind substance as a state of mind before consciousness , Ch'eng I emphasized the importance of inner cultivation （涵養） or sincerity （敬） in moral cultivation .